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was as certain to hold her Three Archipelagoes in the Pacific as her three States bounded on the West by that ocean, over which the Nation goes on the course of Empire broad and luminous.

The pusillanimous outcry against President McKinley for his acceptance of the expansion, that wronged none and was good for all, may have touched his kindly heart with sorrow, that enmity should be so ignominious, but so tranquil was he in serene strength, that his heart was never agitated by resentment.

Theodore Roosevelt disdains the degenerate American impoverishment of blood, that would have confined the Great Nation, not trans-continental, to the one of the ocean shores that confronts Europe. The life of President Roosevelt has been full of activity, and his books of history and State papers are proof that he is an American of Americans, and believes in the policy of adding to the land of the people, no matter what islands of the seas drift to us, or what sea or zone contains them.

There is no clearer certainty that Roosevelt will go on with the McKinley policy of expansion, not only "absolutely unbroken" but extended, than there is that the people of the United States will approve the policy prolonged and augmented. We have not concluded that the world has no more land for our possession. William H. Seward is the statesman to whom we are indebted for the acquisition of Alaska and the Aleutian islands. He had the far-sighted sagacity to have compiled an official publication looking to educating the people, to take advantage of the inclination of the Danes to part with their American islands, not only in the West Indies, but to include Iceland and Greenland, but our public opinion was for a time ridiculously against the purchase of Alaska.

The fisheries of Iceland are equal to those around Newfoundland, and Greenland will yet be subjected, by the aid of modern improvements of exploration and assimilation, to the delivery of her resources to the education and occupation of mankind. There is no land or sea so frozen, and none too hot, to lack substance for usefulness. All the ridicule that could be poured out on the annexation of Greenland and Iceland to our dominions, was engaged in attempts to discredit the purchase of Alaska, and the same spirit of detraction of the gigantic and adoration of insignificance, has been manifest whenever the Nation added to its stature.

We have within a few months noted, in the current history of the world, the testimony that our accession in America of self appreciation is not esteemed abroad an effusion of vanity, but accepted as a reasonable assertion of self respect. We have been subject to the distinguished consideration of the warrior and statesman who is the artificer in chief of the modern appearance of Japan as one of the great and enlightened Nations. There is one mighty

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PRINCE HENRY'S ARRIVAL IN WASHINGTON, SECRETARY HAY IN THE BACKGROUND

Empire with which we are not likely, until centuries to come are gone, to be in competition to cause friction generating heat. We refer to Russia. That Empire has a new ally in France. The two are one in diplomacy outside Europe, because they have nothing so clearly in common that there can readily be policies in conflict.

When we have named Russia and France, England and Germany, there are no other powers so important that we can classify them with ourselves, and there is a qualification to make in regard to France. It is remarkable that while Germany and England have antagonisms, they are bestowing upon us marks of good understanding and high estimation. England and Germany are the powers that compete with us in seeking markets for manufactures, and we find them on the coasts of Asia and South America. England was our friend in the war with Spain, and so was Germany, though she had an admiral at Manila whose tentative policy was too enterprising. The exchange of courtesies between England and the United States has been constant and sincere for several years, and there has been no show of the continuance of the aggregation of former irritations. Now it happens that the special United States Embassy to the coronation of King Edward VII. will be at the front and head of the representatives of the powers, and we have with us those who weep that this is so, and, indeed, sorrow over England's friendly offices.

We have so many chances to come in contact with German adventures and expansiveness, that there has been an occasional rub expressive of a certain rivalry, but evidently we are growing in the opinion of the greater armed Nation of modern times. The occasion of the launching of a royal German yacht in an American shipyard, is attended by an exchange of cables between the German Emperor and the American President, of a character that partakes of mutual admiration; and the Emperor's brother, the German Admiral, with others of great distinction, visit us, while the President personally participates in honoring the visitors from Germany, who are to be personages of the highest representative quality in the Empire, with the exception only of the Emperor.

The White House has not often been an object of interest so great as at present, from standpoints beyond seas. The exceedingly strong character, wide and elevated purposes, clearly made out and resolutely held policies of the President, is history that is fascinating as a romance, his personality that is of the highest type of public integrity, his peculiar power and candor surpassing that of Bismarck, whose keenest weapon in statesmanship was truth, commands consideration unusual in all the capitals of the Nations and centralizations of the people, no less in South America and Asia than in Europe.

The prominence of the principles of the Administration, upon which it is certain the President will proceed with unfaltering steps, attracts extraordinary attention by all observers representative of governments or the governed.

Even the misapprehensions abroad about the Roosevelt Administration are exaggerations of that which is the executive Americanism representative and characteristic.

First comes the confirmation of expansion; second, the urgency of the capacities of the Government, that we shall enter upon tasks more imposing and calling for greater outlay and more extensive views of that which is to come; third, to ignore the race, sectional and colonial issues, so far as there are the conditions of prejudice involved, and outgrow the weaknesses of sentiment as it has put aside timidity in making impression according to insight upon the affairs international.

These matters are so prominent, that the course of the country has ceased to be an uncertainty. The paths we are to traverse are high roads. We are for reciprocity, as that policy was declared by the President and Vice-President on September 2nd and 5th, 1901. The meaning is that we want for the creative labor in our shops the markets abroad, as we have at home; and that the productive labor in the fields shall enter upon equality of protection, and altogether maintain hand in hand the pre-eminence of the farmers with the mechanics. If there are industrial wars, they will be confined to peaceable methods, and we have the advantage of the richest of the continents, and the most accomplished artisans.

Reciprocity is for the farmers as well as the manufacturers, to confirm protection with the expansion of commerce. We have a home policy for the augmentation of the area of our fertile lands, making the thousand streams that flow from the Rockies, with the artesian and wind mill wells. We shall have States fat as irrigated Egypt at the feet of our mountains, that the winters heap with vast reservoirs of snows, that the summer suns may send forth the waters to redeem the deserts. At the same time, we are to save the forests, and restore them where the wild fires have scathed the lands to be made prosperous, if we can join with the bounties of nature the arts of science and the wisdom of manhood that have pushed forward our boundaries, to give the living waters of our greater mountain range in the heart of our country, to the soil that was fire-swept until the principle of life was scorched away.

That we should join to this home work the patronage of the Government, given by those who go forth in ships to carry our commerce under our flagthis is the logic of the growth of the Nation, and there goes with it, in the Pacific Ocean, cables to unite us with the islands that are ours forever-islands that are the citadels that command the sunset gates, that are to be open doors for us. Relevant to this and expressive of it, is the Isthmian canal, with which we shall presently provide a channel for commerce by the route of the two Mediterranean oceans—that between Africa and Europe, and that between the two Americas-circumnavigating the globe, where the winds blow out of the

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