lican who carries his sovereignty under his own hat.' Now, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Campbell's position in that Convention was supported by the wise reflection and afterthought of the Republican Convention, of 1880, under the lead of the great immortal leader, whose face confronts us there-James A. Garfield, of Ohio-under the lead of Garfield I remind my friend from California, the Convention, in taking its action, induced the gentleman who represented the resolution to withdraw the resolution from the consideration of the Convention. Now, sir, in the light of the character of the Republican party, in the light of the action of the last Republican Convention, the first Convention which I have known in which such a pledge was required of candidates or the members, I ask this Convention-mindful of all that hangs upon the wisdom, the moderation, the tolerance, the patriotism of our action-I beg this Convention to remember Lincoln, to remember Garfield, to remember the very vital principles of the Republican party, and assume that every man here is an honest and an honorable man; and vote down this resolution, which should never have appeared in a Republican Convention, as unworthy to be ratified by this concourse of free men that I see before me."

Mr. Dolph, of Oregon, moved to lay the resolution on the table. Mr. Hawkins, of Tennessee, who had introduced it, said: "Before the vote on that resolution shall be taken, I wish to withdraw it; it was voted for in the last Convention by Chester A. Arthur and James A. Garfield.”

The silence of Mr. Roosevelt, who was, though perhaps the youngest man in the Convention, the head of the New York delegation, through this interesting debate-the fact that he did not take the floor and add his voice to that of Mr. Curtis, is testimony of the instinctive understanding he had, and which he has often manifested, as consistent with the very ideals of personal independence in public affairs, that the practical man is under the obligation to uphold the authority of organization.

One of the noticeable things in the career of President Roosevelt is, that while he is the youngest President of the United States, by several years, the beginning of his leadership and of his good faith with the organization of the party to which he declared his allegiance, was a long time ago, and has been illustrated in experiences of extraordinary variety and of wholesome educational influence.

It is no part of the purpose of this work that this chapter of it shall be a history of the Convention of 1884; but the study of the characteristics of that Convention, the individualities that were dominant in it, and the atmosphere of it, as they are associated with the words and actions of Mr. Roosevelt, as a member of it of much distinction, is most interesting and instructive.

There was associated in the New York delegation with Mr. Roosevelt, whose residence was New York City, Andrew D. White, President of Cornell University, residence Ithaca; George William Curtis, whose residence was West New Brighton, Staten Island; Silas B. Dutcher, of Brooklyn; John A. King, of Great Neck, Long Island; Anson G. McCook; Wm. H. Robertson; Benjamin B. Odell; Hamilton Fish, Jr.; Martin I. Townsend; Thomas C. Platt, of Owego, the Twenty-sixth District; James W. Wadsworth, of Genesee; James H. Huested, of Peakskill; John D. Lawson, of New York City.

Senator-then Governor-J. B. Foraker was the Chairman of the Ohio delegation; and the name of William McKinley, Jr., with the address of Canton, appears between that of Senator Foraker, of Cincinnati, and Senator Hanna, of Cleveland. Until the death of his father, President McKinley always wrote his name with the attachment "Jr."

When the Convention had under consideration the adoption of its rules, Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska, desired the rule read regarding the manner of balloting, stating it was not understood what number of votes was necessary to nominate. After some cross-firing, there was a movement that the report of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business should be adopted, and upon that motto, the previous question was demanded. The official report contains the following:

"Mr. Roosevelt, of New York-Will the gentleman give way for one moment for a question for information?

"The President-Does the gentleman yield?

"Mr. Bayne-I do not yield my motion. I will yield to the inquiry of the gentleman from New York.

"The President-The gentleman from Pennsylvania moves the adoption of the report, and upon that motion calls for the previous question.

"Mr. Roosevelt-The gentleman has given way to me for a question of information. I thank the gentleman for his courtesy. My question for information is, Has there not been a minority report prepared or presented, as I certainly understood there was to be by certain members of the committee, looking to reorganization of the representation in this Conventionin the next Convention? I did not understand, from the reading of the rules, and neither did several of the members who are round about me, what provisions, if any, were made for the representation of Republicans in future National Conventions; but I knew that there had been a strong feeling among certain members of the committee itself, as well as among the Convention at large, that there should be some reorganization by which the number of delegates to the next Convention should be more nearly proportionate to the Republican votes cast in their respective States; and I merely rose to ask if any such minority report had been presented.

"Mr. Parks-I stated, when I made my report, that the committee had withheld the report upon that resolution, and would make it as soon as the minority could prepare their report.

"Mr. Roosevelt-I did not understand that, and I did not distinctly hear the remarks made by the gentleman from California when he first got up. I withdraw the question."

When the platform reported to the Convention, the record reads:

"REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS.

"Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania-I would like to inquire of the Chair whether the Committee on Resolutions is ready to report.

"The President (Mr. McKinley of Ohio, in the chair)-The report of the Committee on Resolutions is ready; and if Mr. Grow, of Pennsylvania, will take the chair, I will read the report of the committee.

"Mr. Grow took the chair and said:-The Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions will now report.

"Mr. McKinley, of Ohio-I am directed by the unanimous vote of the Committee on Resolutions to present the following report."

William McKinley was Chairman, and William Walter Phelps, Secretary, of the Platform Committee.

The reading of the report was clear, ringing, and most effective.

The nominating speeches were of great interest. The first was the presentation of the name of General Hawley, of Connecticut, by Mr. Brandegee. The second was the nomination of John A. Logan, the record says, by "Mr. Shelby M. Cullom, who came to the platform amid great applause." The third nomination was by Judge West, of Ohio, who presented the name. of James G. Blaine. The late Senator Cushman K. Davis, of Minnesota, seconded the nomination of Blaine. Colonel William Cassius Goodlow, of Kentucky, also seconded Mr. Blaine's nomination; and Mr. Thomas C. Platt, of New York, seconded also the nomination of Mr. Blaine, saying he did so. with pleasure, believing that Blaine's turn had come, that expediency and justice demanded the nomination of Blaine, and the Republican people of the Republican States that must give the Republican majorities, wanted him. Mr. Galusha A. Grow also seconded the nomination. Mr. Martin I. Townsend, when New York was called, nominated Chester A. Arthur. Mr. Bingham, of Pennsylvania, seconded the nomination of Arthur. Mr. Lynch, of Mississippi, and Mr. Winston, of North Carolina, and Mr. Pinchback, of Louisiana, seconded the nomination of Arthur. Mr. Foraker, of Ohio, nominated John Sherman. Mr. Holt, of Kentucky, seconded the nomination of Sherman. Mr. J. D. Long, of Massachusetts, nominated George F. Edmunds; and Mr. George William Curtis, of New York, seconded the nomination. The speeches

of Mr. Long and Mr. Curtis were understood to be especially opposed to Mr. Blaine. The speech of Governor Long was an especially elegant production. That of Mr. Curtis was noticeable for its literary quality.

Governor Long said of Senator Edmunds: "Calumny dare not assail him; or if is dared, recoils as from a galvanic shock. Against no other candidate can less be said than against him. For no other candidate can more be said.

"I stand here, Mr. President, honored, though it were alone, with the duty of presenting his name to this Convention. But it is not I, it is not the State nor the delegates whom I here represent, who present that name to you. It is presented by uncounted numbers of our fellow-citizens, good men and true, all over this land, who only await this nomination to spring to the swift, hearty work of his election. It is presented by an intelligent press from Maine to California, representing a healthy public sentiment and an advanced public demand. It is the name of one whose letter of acceptance as an unsolicited honor, will constitute all the machinery he will have put into its procurement. It is the name which in itself is a guarantee of inflexible honesty in government, and of the best and wisest Cabinet the country can afford, with no man in it greater than its head. It is a guarantee of appointment to office, fit, clean, and disinterested all the way through; a guarantee of an administration which I believe, and which in your hearts you know, will realize, not only at home but abroad, the very highest conceptions of American citizenship.

"It is the name, too, which will carry over all the land a grateful feeling of serenity and security, like the benignant promise of a perfect day in June. It will be as wholesome and refreshing as the Green Mountains of the native State of him who bears it. Their summits tower not higher than his worth; their foundations are not firmer than his convictions and truth; the green and prolific slopes that grow great harvests at their feet are not richer than the fruitage of his long and lofty labors in the service of his country. Honest and capable, unexceptionable and fit, the best and the most available, the very staunchest of the old Republican guard, the most unflinching of American patriots, with the kindly heart of a courteous gentleman, as well as the robust, rugged mind of a great statesman, yet is he not more sternly just in the halls of Congress than tender in that sanctuary of the American heart, the American home.

"A man of no class, no caste, no pretense, but a man of the people, East, West, North, South, because a representative of their homeliest, plainest and best characteristics. Massachusetts, enthusiastically leaping her own borders, commends and nominates him, to this great Republican Convention, as the man it seeks, as the man of its instinctive and hearty choice, as the one man

whom its constituents everywhere will hail with an unbroken shout, not only of satisfaction, but of relief.

"Gentlemen, I nominate, as the Republican candidate for the next President of the United States, the Honorable-aye! the Honorable George F. Edmunds, of Vermont."

Mr. George William Curtis, of New York-"Mr. President and Gentlemen: I shall not repeat to you the splendid story of the Republican party; a story that we never tire of telling; that our children will never tire of hearing; a story which is written upon the heart of every American citizen, because it recounts greater services for liberty, for the country, for mankind, than those of any party in any other nation, at any other period of time.

"And what is the secret of this unparalleled history? It is simply that the Republican party has been always the party of the best instincts, of the highest desires of the American people. This is its special glory. It has represented the American instinct of nationality, American patriotism, and American devotion to liberty.

"Fellow Republicans, we have learned, and many of you whom our hearts salute, have learned upon fields more peaceful than this, that our foe is not a foe to be despised. He will feel our lines to find our weakest point. He will search the work of this Convention with electric light. He will try us by our candidate. And, therefore, the man to whom we commit the bannerthe banner that Abraham Lincoln bore-must be, like Abraham Lincoln, a knight indeed; and like the old knight, a 'knight without fear and without reproach.' He must be a statesman, identified with every measure of the great Republican past, a pioneer in every measure of its future of reform; and in himself the pledge that the party will not only put its face forward, but will set its foot forward; and a pledge, also, that that mighty foot will trample and crush and utterly destroy whatever disgraces the public services, whatever defiles the Republican name, whatever defeats the just expectation of the country and of the Republican party."

The speech of Mr. Curtis was the last before the balloting began, but there was some discussion over contested delegates. The count from New York, in a contest over a rule which was artfully initiated, excited some interest. The vote of New York was declared by Mr. Curtis to be 29 aye, 43 no. Mr. Lawson questioned the correctness of the vote, and there was a roll call. The first name of the ayes was Anson McCook, and the second was W. H. Tobertson. The ayes were not twenty-nine, but twenty-eight. The first no was Theodore Roosevelt, the second Andrew White. Then came Curtis and Kind and Dutcher, Lawson, Odell, Hamilton Fish, Jr., and others, fortyfour in number; so the vote of New York was corrected from twenty-nine ayes and forty-three noes, to twenty-eight ayes and forty-four noes-a contest