These popular, serviceable waists are made up in a vast variety of new and beautiful designs and colorings, in French, Scotch, and rich Saxony Flannels.

Our new model for Fall and Winter, in addition to being exclusive, we believe is more stylish and attractive than heretofore-a new and distinctive yoke effect in front is the feature. All sizes, from 32 to 42 inches.

Also a line of Dress Waists in Silk, Chiffon, and Peau de Soie.

Mail orders have prompt attention.

James McCutcheon & Co.

14 West 23d Street, N. Y.

Vol. 72

The Elections: The General Results

For the past thirty years Republican administrations have so uniformly been confronted with a Democratic House of Representatives during the second half of their terms that this result came to appear almost inevitable. The rule was first broken in 1898, when the Republicans kept control of the House by the narrow margin of thirteen votes, and even this majority was attributed by Democrats to the popularity of the Spanish War, not then formally ended. This year, however, the Republicans keep control of the House by a majority of twenty-eight or thirty, and by gaining United States Senators in Kansas, Utah, Idaho, and Washington make good their losses last year in Maryland and Kentucky and their losses this year in North Carolina and Nevada. The next Senate will again be Republican by a majority of fifty-five Republicans to thirty-three Democrats, even if the Republicans fail to gain a possible seat in Colorado and fail again to fill the two vacancies in Delaware. This extraordinary party victory is mainly to be attributed to three causes. (1) Industrial: The extraordinary commercial prosperity, especially in the rural districts, where the largest crops of recent years in all the Northern States are being marketed at much the highest prices. (2) Political: The persistence of Democratic divisions, and especially the apathy of the radical Democrats where the "reorganizers" regained control. (3) Personal: The exceptional popularity of the President, especially in the West. The last appeal of the Republican campaign managers to the voters in all parts of the country was to "stand by the President," indicating a consciousness that the leader ship of the President was more popular with the rank and file of the voters than the party's attitude toward the tarit or

No. 11

the trusts. In an unusual degree the result of the election was a vote of confidence in the President. The lesson it teaches to the Republican party is that, if it would retain the support of the voters, it should follow the President's lead in modifying the tariff and establishing more rigid public control of the operations of the trusts.

Where the Democrats Gained

In the East the Democratic party gained Congressmen in New York, Baltimore, Boston, and Providence, and in the State of Rhode Island they gained the Governor; but outside of the industrial centers for all Rhode Island is practically an industrial center-the party vote as a rule was relatively lighter than in 1900. The greater industrial unrest in the cities than in the rural districts is explained by the fact that while the retail price of manufactured articles bought by the farmers has hardly advanced at all, the price of farm products consumed in the cities has advanced enormously and become the equivalent of a serious cut in wages. Both in city and country the aggregate vote of both parties fell off greatly from the enormous totals recorded in the Presidential election of 1900. Even in New York State, where Mr. Coler reduced the Republican plurality from 143,000 for President McKinley to 12,000 for Governor Odell, Mr. Coler's vote fell many thousand short of that polled for Mr. Bryan. Take the country over, barely four voters out of five who came to the polls in 1900 took the trouble to vote this year. Massachusetts was an exception to this rule. Here the Democratic party, for the first time in years, was liberally supplied with campaign funds-more liberally, apparently, than the Republican partyand extraordinary efforts were made to get out the full vote. By dint of a hard

campaign upon the issues of tariff revision and imperialism, they succeeded in reducing the Republican plurality from 82,000 in 1900 to 37,000, and the result would have been still closer had not thousands of radical Democrats, offended by the State Convention's rejection of the Kansas City platform and nomination of a representative of the Boston elevated road as the party candidate, cast their votes for the Social Democratic ticket. This ticket received the astonishing vote of 30,000, and six thousand more were cast for the Socialist Labor candidates representing the same principles. In several citiesparticularly the shoe towns, so famous for their radicalism in Abolition days the Socialist vote exceeded the Democratic. Among the Republican Congressional candidates, Mr. Eugene Foss, who won his nomination on a tariff revision platform against the candidate of the machine, was defeated at the polls by Republican defections. He made, however, a spirited campaign, and had the pleasure of having his particular issue of Canadian reciprocity championed by other and successful Republican candidates. In Rhode Island the remarkable overturn which led to the election of a Democratic Governor is attributed to the keen popular discontent with. the failure of the Republican administration to enforce the ten-hour law. The successful Democratic candidate is described by the Springfield" Republican" as a Bryan Democrat of fine ability and high character, who for years has conducted the often forlorn struggle of opposing corporate rule in Rhode Island politics. In Connecticut, where the Democratic platform was hardly distinguishable from the Republican on any subject, the party was defeated by a larger majority than in 1900 on a far smaller total vote.

(Mr. Roosevelt's opponent) in 1898, and Mr. Coler would have been elected Governor but for the signal failure of Mr. Hill to get to the polls the Democratic voters of the upper part of the State. This portion of the territory was under Mr. Hill's especial charge, and his crushing defeat has a National importance, as it destroys his prestige as the Presidential candidate of those Democratic managers all over the Union who wish to subordinate party principles to party success. In Pennsylvania the Democrats conducted their campaign exclusively on State issues, and were supported by so many Republican reformers that they had high hopes of again electing ex-Governor Outside of Philadelphia and Pittsburg they did practically tie the State, but in those cities there was a Republican plurality of nearly a hundred and forty thousand. In Delaware the election, according to the reports, had more than ever the character of an auction, and Mr. Addicks comes nearer than ever to controlling a majority of the Legislature. The Legislature apparently stands 20 Addicks Republicans, 8 "Regular" Republicans, and 21 Democrats. Another deadlock is probable. In the South there were no events of interest except that Maryland went Republican by a large majority, and that in North Carolina the adoption of the negro disfranchisement amendment was followed by the election of a solidly Democratic delegation to Congress.

Mr. Johnson's Defeat in Ohio

The most interesting campaign in the West was that in Ohio, where Tom L. Johnson, the millionaire free-trade iron manufacturer and anti-monopoly street railway magnate, dominated the Democratic Convention, championed a platform demanding the equal taxation of corporate property and a free hand for municipalities in the control of franchises, and conducted a spectacular campaign, traversing the State with an automobile and a gigantic tent in which to hold his meetings. To Mr. Johnson's credit, he made no distinction between Democratic corruptionists and Republican when holding up to scorn county officials who assessed railroad property at a small fraction of its true valuation, and, to his further credit, he

waged bitter war upon the Democratic machine controlled by John R. McLean, of the Cincinnati "Enquirer." On the question of the taxation of corporations he obviously had the sympathy of the rank and file of Republicans, and the Republican campaign against him was centered in an exposure of Mr. Johnson's personal record as an alleged tax-dodger and as the undoubted head of street railway corporations which had profited enormously by the very abuses he now condemned. Particularly did they bring to the attention of every voter in Ohio a suit brought by one of Mr. Johnson's corporations in Detroit to defeat ex-Mayor Pingree's efforts to secure public ownership and three-cent fares in that city. To some extent also the Republicans tried to arouse opposition to Mr. Johnson as a singletaxer, but this effort had no appreciable effect, and should have had none, as Mr. Johnson stood in this campaign for the equal taxation of the most important form of personal property-corporation securities and advocated reaching this property through a State board of assessors, thus abandoning the single-tax scheme of "local option in taxation." The city of Cleveland gave Mr. Johnson's ticket the unusual majority of four thousand, and the Democratic vote in the rural districts was strong, but in Hamilton County, where the Cincinnati "Enquirer" was practically supporting the Republican ticket, the Republican vote was nearly three to one, and, by means of a majority of nearly thirty thousand here and substantial gains in most of the railroad centers, the Republican plurality in the State was raised to eighty-odd thousand, or over thirty thousand more than in the Presidential election. Mr. Johnson's prestige as a Presidential possibility has suffered only less than Mr. Hill's.

ernor La Follette's position on direct primaries and equal taxation, and condemned the Democratic leaders for abandoning democratic principles in order to secure the support of corporation Republicans. In the rural districts of Wisconsin Bryan Democrats by thousands remained away from the polls, or came to them to vote for Governor La Follette. Over against these Republican gains, however, was the defection not only of the corporation Republicans alienated by Governor La Follette's platform, but of thousands of Spooner Republicans, who resented Governor La Follette's refusal to support Senator Spooner for re-election unless Senator Spooner supported the carrying out of the State platform regarding primary and taxation reform. The Republican defections were among men so prominent in their communities that the Democratic candidate for Governor hoped for election. When the returns from the country districts were all in, however, it was found that Governor La Follette had a majority of over fifty thousand. In Minnesota, where the Democrats reaffirmed the Kansas City platform, they made some gains, electing ex-Governor Lind to Congress in a district Republican by ten thousand in 1900. This, however, was a personal rather than a party triumph. In Nebraska the Democrats barely held their own, and in all the other Western States save California they suffered serious losses. In California. their gain of two Congressmen was due to fusion with the Union Labor party. In Utah, despite some Gentile defection in Salt Lake City, the Republicans carried the State by an unprecedented majority, practically insuring the election of the Mormon apostle Smoot to the United States Senate. Mr. Smoot does not appear to be a polygamist, and his creed of course is not of itself a bar to his admission. In Idaho also the Republicans gain a Senatorship, and they may also gain one in Colorado if the Republican House can unseat the Democratic delegation from Denver on charges of election frauds. Such an action, however, would be likely to cause the Democratic Senate to refuse to enter into joint session. The Democratic defeat in Colorado followed a refusal of the party to join with the Populists in nominating a fusion ticket.