Grady, made a fiery protest against a ruling, which, he contended, would practically abrogate the unit rule. The delegates grew still as Senator White, the chairman, finally ruled that unit rule instructions did not contemplate the refusal of delegations to vote. He ruled that all such voters would be considered absentees, but that every delegate present who desired to vote had the right to have his vote registered. This ruling was loudly cheered, as it blazed the way for an ultimate ruling that the two-thirds required to nominate within the meaning of the rule were two-thirds of the votes cast, according to precedent.

When the second roll was begun, it furnished a satisfaction at the outset, for Alabama shifted her twenty-two votes from the Bland camp to Bryan, and the young Nebraskan's friends waved their handkerchiefs.

Bryan gained three in the California delegation on a poll. Close Colorado's for Teller were again hissed and cheered. Vice-President Stevenson captured one of Bland's votes in Florida. Three Maine men, who declined to vote, asked a call of the State roll, but the chair refused. One Massachusetts man, who refrained from voting on the first call, came in for Matthews. Under the unit rule Michigan's twenty-eight went for Bryan. Bland gained two in Montana and McLean three in Nevada. Two New Jersey men, who had ab

stained on the first ballot, came to Pattison. Silence followed the call of New York.

South Carolina gave up her Senator and brought her votes into Bryan's column amid much enthusiasm, Tillman speaking of Bryan as the emancipator of the white slave. Virginia abandoned Blackburn to turn her twenty-four votes to Bland. Wyoming changed her six votes from Blackburn to Bryan. John McLean lost four in the District of Columbia, and Bryan captured three of them.

The name of Minnesota on the second call brought a shout from Daniel Lawler: "Minnesota on this and every other ballot, present and not voting."

The turning of the tide toward Bryan, of Nebraska, was alarming the managers of wheel horses so that these gentlemen skirmished about earnestly among their followers and invaded alien camps while the band discoursed a solemn air to give the clerk another opportunity to practice addition.

In the meantime many voices from the galleries called, "Hurrah for Bryan!" and one shouter called, "What is the matter with Bryan?" being answered by many voices, "He's all right!"

Then the chairman of the California delegation called that under instructions he desired to announce a change in the vote of California. Fourteen of the votes were for Bryan, a change of ten,

the losers being Blackburn and Matthews, and thereupon the calls of Bryan were renewed.

It will be seen from the following table that Bryan was nominated on the 5th ballot:

In the fifth official ballot, as announced, Bryan received 500 votes. Changes were made thereafter giving him more than the necessary 512 votes.

On the fifth and last day of the Convention, Hon. Arthur Sewall, of Maine, was nominated for Vice-President.

When Mr. Sewall, the millionaire shipbuilder, was nominated, there was another uproar around the great Convention hall. That was the only impressive demonstration of the day, save when

Gov. Flower announced that New York refused to vote.

In spite of the fact that the Convention had repudiated President Cleveland, his portrait was allowed to hang beside the other great leaders of the Democracy. More than two hundred delegates bore witness for the President by declining to take part in the proceedings. And the Convention ended as it began, with the strains of "Dixie."

Not more than a third of the hall was occupied. The delirium was over, and to some extent the enthusiasm also. Pretty women sat among the delegates. There was plenty of room for them on the main floor, for sound-money men had scattered. Spears of sunlight touched the audience here and there. Great stretches of unpainted chairs indicated a listlessness of the public.

The Convention then adjourned, and soon the hall was empty.

National Convention of the Prohibition Party.

THE seventh National Convention of the Prohi

bition Party was called to order in Pittsburg, May 27, 1896, in the Exposition Hall. There was quite a large attendance, abundantly significant of the growth of the party since its inception in 1869, when it cast barely seven thousand votes, down to the last Presidential campaign, when the total vote cast was nearly 280,000.

H. L. Castle, chairman of the Committee on Reception, delivered an address of welcome. Samuel Dickie, of Michigan, chairman of the National Committee, the gentleman who, with the utmost suavity and courtesy, let down a little avalanche of proxies upon his "broad gauge" or free silver opponents, thereby securing the temporary organization of the Convention, responded to the address of welcome.

At the opening of the formal proceedings, when Mr. Dickie presented the name of A. A. Stevens, of Tyrone, Pa., as temporary chairman, the rebellion of the free silver minority broke out.

Chauncey W. Dunn, of California, nominated