men-of-war into merchant marine, and set free the nations to struggle only with nature's obstacles, and no longer, futilely, with members of their own body. Where business men understand enough of modern economics to perceive their own interest, not only war but the war system will collapse and man will cease to be the only animal in the whole creation that, reversing the law of nature, systematically destroys his own kind.

Norman Angell's treatment of the psychological elements involved in international rivalries is no less acute than his treatment of economic relationships. Not only are economic interests and investments cutting athwart political border-lines, but ethical, religious, social, and all intellectual interests are doing likewise and creating friends in the country of every future possible enemy. It is in the recognition of new common interests that the perception of the great illusion will be attained and humanity cease trying to advance through self-mutilation.

Mr. Angell has been accused by Admiral Mahan of ignoring the primary cause of most warssentiment, prejudice, and a perverted sense of honour; but, as his first book shows, he is a pastmaster in the analysis of these and of the psychology of the mob. He realises that, while one might as well reason with the whirlwind after panic and passion are once let loose, nevertheless, if vague notions as to a nation's real interest are clarified in time of peace, and peoples once actually realise

what they are doing when they start to cut off their hands to spite their feet, the end of the present system of international anarchy will be in sight.

CHAPTER X

"THE

TEACHING PATRIOTISM

HE right patriotism," said Emerson, "consists in the delight which springs from contributing our peculiar and legitimate advantages to the benefit of humanity."

Probably no word, except religion, has been so much abused and misused as this other sacred word, "patriotism." Religion has been confounded with ecclesiasticism and sectarianism, with form and creed and non-essential adjuncts of religion which have no more to do with religion itself than pew cushions, church spires, and La Farge windows have to do with visiting the fatherless and keeping oneself unspotted from the world. As the test of religion is love of God and service to his children, so the sole test of patriotism is love of country and service to its citizens, sharply to be distinguished from mere pride of country and boasting of ancestors who once were patriots.

One reads, "The bill to promote rifle practice and a patriotic spirit among the youth of the United States has passed the Senate." A child's paper recently published a picture of an old man

showing a boy a gun, inscribing underneath, "Teaching Patriotism." Careful questioning would probably elicit the opinion from a majority of American children that patriots fought for their country, and always fought with guns and swords, that it was more glorious to die on a battlefield than to live to serve one's country in time of peace, and that the chief function of the flag was to remind us of our glorious victories in war,—not that it would be so expressed, but it would be the tacit understanding. After an attempt to hold “a safe and sane" celebration of the Fourth of July in an eastern city some years ago, a citizen returning from the day spent in the country inquired of another what success they had had, to which question came the vehement response, "If this thing keeps on two years longer, we sha'n't have any patriotism left in the country." A teacher in Washington some years ago during our Spanish War on asking for a definition of patriotism, received the prompt reply, "It means killing Spaniards." These notions are so widespread that teachers as well as pupils often forget that the flag is the symbol of the whole country in time of peace as well as of war, and stands for its civic far more than for its military history. Since we as a nation have been at peace for nine tenths of our existence, our flag stands for peace far more than for war. While practically all pacifists admit that war in time past was sometimes inevitable, and while they honour the heroes who fought to

create and to preserve our independence and our unity, they rightly demand that our children be taught that even more honour is due the great statesmen who framed our Constitution-"the Hamlet and Ninth Symphony of political achievements" and the inventors, teachers, preachers, poets, pioneers, and scientists who have made this country what it is, with the brave firemen, police, and physicians who have risked their lives in public service, and whose monuments are so conspicuous by their absence.

Said one of our eminent judges to a body of lawschool graduates:

The dangers, if any exist to the nation, the state, or the city, are not in things outside of them, not in the yellow peril, not in foreign enemies, nor in foreign countries. The dangers lurk deeper, in the distemper, the bad spirit, the ignorance, corruption, evasion of jury duty and other public duties, and apathy among the people, in popular errors concerning the law, the State, and our obligations to it.

Pacifists demand that our schoolmasters teach children that men who give and take bribes are traitors to the flag, that men who will not take the trouble to vote are deserters from the ranks of service, and that those who will not sacrifice a little money or convenience to promote law and order, decency and health in their communities are as much cowards as are soldiers who skulk to the rear in battle. They should teach children