the State of Maryland, and my third, to the United States. Just as this type of provincialism has everywhere given way to a larger patriotism which recognises the whole country rather than the part as the first object of devotion, so now the times demand of North as well as of South a further emancipation from provincialism and a recognition of the fact that before one is a Russian, Frenchman, German, or American, he is a human being, a citizen of the world, a child of God. This loyalty to the largest whole implies no less loyalty and service to that part to which we are chiefly indebted. The great internationalists-Dante, Lessing, Kant, Mazzini, Victor Hugo, Cobden, Sumner, Hale-were always the most intense of patriots, seeing that only by the perfecting of their own nation could the nation serve as leader and benefactor among the peoples of the earth, thus satisfying Emerson's noble definition. II CHAPTER XI EVER TEACHING INTERNATIONALISM VERY age is more or less one of transition; but sometimes there comes a period so revolutionary that after it the world becomes a different world. Such a period was that halfcentury "when Gutenberg made thought cosmopolite and stretched electric wires from mind to mind," when gunpowder was discovered, and the great Genoese setting forth from Palos with his little fleet discovered a new world. Such a period is the one in which we live, when the word "internationalism" is coined to meet the new situation in world history. Whether we look to the fateful struggles in Russia and Siberia in which one hundred and twenty millions of people are through tears and blood slowly working their way to the freedom which we so thoughtlessly enjoy; whether we consider the significance of the labour movement in Europe and the gigantic capitalistic forces at work there or in America; the carving up of the "dark continent" by the white races, or the marvellous new civilisation in South America; the stupendous advance in Japan, or the still more significant revolution in China, wherever we look, we see that the old order has changed. Never since history began were so many hundreds of millions of people consciously and voluntarily altering their political, their industrial, and social conditions. He who argues about international relations as if they were merely different in degree, and not in kind, from those of a century ago, is as shortsighted as a person who talks of business as if it were conducted without steam, electricity, or wireless telegraphy and as it was before the average workman had been expropriated from all control over and interest in both the material that he uses and the product that he creates. All this transformation must be graphically presented to the rising generation. The child must be taught that if in Washington's day there had been war between Russia and Japan, the small four-page newspapers in our sparsely settled States would have told little of it, and six months after Port Arthur had fallen a slow sailing vessel arriving in New York might have given the bare fact-but all that reporters, photographers, and Red Cross nurses would now add to that would have been missing. We should have had no commerce, no missionaries, no investments in Manchuria, and consequently little knowledge of nor interest in the war that filled its people with misery and gloom. He must be taught how all this has changed to-day, when Theodore Roose |