in our black paper. The American receives orders to ship goods in bags, and, thinking his own methods better, he sends them in boxes, which get broken and cannot be easily carried on mule back, and then he wonders why he hears nothing further from his customers.

War depends upon the psychology of nations. What are those people thinking in the Mikado's or Kaiser's or Czar's capital, and how many American militarists or men eager for contracts are going to foment mysterious war-scares? How many credulous readers can we count on believing these war-scares valid? That is the main problem, not how many dreadnoughts have we or they. As a nation fears or suspects, so is its burden of military taxation. As the boy stores up impressions, prejudices, sympathies, so the man legislates and the nation makes friends or foes.

The responsibility of the teacher was never so great to do what church and home and Sundayschool all often neglect-inspire a friendly instead of a suspicious attitude toward the world. The teacher must know far more than he can definitely teach of internationalism, if the school is to have the right atmosphere and his pupils attain the right point of view that will stand them in stead when national hysteria prevails. He should read two books, David Starr Jordan's The Human Harvest, a complete refutation of the fallacy that "war promotes virility," and The Great Illusion, by Norman Angell.

The prime necessity is to secure a teacher whose patriotism will put conscience and enthusiasm into teaching those character-building lessons of infinitely more value to every child than any technical book-lore the schools can give him. In the primary grades, stories of knights fighting dragons, of firemen fighting flames, of heroes saving life will be substituted for tales of war, in teaching the "Good Citizenship" course. Later, in history classes, wars must be studied; but if emphasis is laid on the causes and cost and results of wars and not on campaigns; if copies of Verestchagin's mournful pictures of war and clear statements of its squalor and horrors are presented briefly, the glamour of the "splendid charge" will not dim the child's insight into the true nature of war. Statistics of huge losses mean nothing to immature minds; a few pathetic or realistic stories of individual loss are more impressive. But some faint conception of the appalling cost of armaments may be given the arithmetic classes by setting them to figure out how many schools like their own could be built at the cost of one short-lived dreadnought costing $12,000,000, or how many children could have suits of clothes for one shot costing $1700 at target practice.

In higher grades should be taught in simple form the results of modern banking and investment; how under the new conditions, no nation can conquer another and not lose more than it could gain. It must be pointed out that this was not always so,

but that modern investments and banking, which depend so largely upon credit and confidence, have altered all former conditions. Should a German army invade England (Von Moltke said he knew three ways of getting one in, but not one of getting it out) and should it destroy the Bank of England and confiscate its gold, a "run" would presently follow on every bank in Great Britain and they would suspend payments, as Norman Angell has well shown. Merchants the world over would face ruin and call in their credits in Germany and thus undermine German finance. German trade would be paralysed, and a thousand marks would be lost for every one confiscated. If twenty-five years ago the rumour of a probable failure of the Barings created consternation and was a theme for special prayers in American churches, how vastly more would the much-talked-of war between Germany and England bring chaos on Wall Street to-day and affect every village in the land! That war can never be permitted if for no other reason than that for the business world it spells disaster. The thought of it would never have gained ground had the business world not been under the obsession of antiquated notions of economics. These notions are expressed naively in old phraseology about defence, which to-day does not apply.

The youngest child should be taught Franklin's adage that "The worst thing you can do to a customer is to knock him on the head." We are all customers and sellers to-day, and the world is our

market. We can no more separate our success from others' success than hand and foot or lungs and heart can ignore each other. Trade does not follow the flag, as every economist knows. England's huge navy does not avail to sell one more screw-driver. Her carrying trade is hardly more per capita than one third of Norway's. She has become land poor in taking, within a generation, as much territory and population as those of the whole United States. She must police most of this, yet gets not enough revenue to pay for the policing. No foreign nation can gain anything to-day by the conquest of another nation's colonies, and no people in a protectionist country are likely to gain by a war-indemnity. Preposterous as it may seem, the French indemnity did much to demoralise Germany, and financial depression occurred from 1872 to 1880. Ten years after Sedan, France was more prosperous than Germany.

May it not yet appear that for the attainment of success in modern business a little knowledge of relationships between the family of nations is of as much practical utility for our young men as anything thus far discovered in schools of commerce or technology? The sophomore is quite as likely to hold antiquated notions about dangers and defence as his grandmother does about athletics or chemistry. The class-room should teach him the latest advance in internationalism as it does in biology.

"I

CHAPTER XII

PATRIOTIC SONGS, SYMBOLS, AND SOCIETIES

CARE not who makes the laws of a country, if

I may write its songs," is the oft-quoted dictum of one who knew the relation of cause and effect in history. It was a music hall ditty,

We don't want to fight,

But, by jingo, if we do,

We've got the ships,

We've got the men,

We've got the money, too,

which a generation ago inflamed the English people and had tremendous weight in creating war sentiment. It is a matter for consideration whether children throughout our land are to be taught that " conquer we must, for our cause it is just." Even if the word "when" is substituted for "for," the error is as great. It is a survival of the mediæval superstition that the victim thrown into the river who could float was not guilty and that Elsa's innocence could be proved by the valiant sword of Lohengrin. War is but a gigantic duel; the stronger and more skilful