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would be our downfall if passion were to displace experience. Misguided and rash attempts have been often made to decree a schedule of rates, but the statesmen conceded their inability, and were wisely willing to let those who had grown up with the system, and mastered its principles, decide what is a reasonable rate.

Forced to admit the failure of legislation, "the dissatisfied" demand that government shall purchase the railways. Perhaps the corporations would not seriously object, for it is very probable they would be the greatest gainers by the transfer. Is it at all likely that government officials of the stripe we now have would possess superior fitness for railway management? Economy is our pressing want. Is it a distinguishing trait of the Caseys, Murphys, Butlers, et al? The proposition premises that the State would lease the railroads. In that event the lessees would have to be responsible parties, who could give ample security. This would necessitate their being either stock companies or wealthy capitalists. In either case, they might be inexperienced in railroad affairs, which would doubtless cause the control to fall upon the old working force, thereby increasing the number of salaries and adding materially to the necessary operating expenses of the lines.

Besides, the lessees would incur risks. Should the net earnings exceed the rent, the surplus would afford a tolerably good dividend upon their comparatively small investment; but should the results be reversed, they would have no dividend whatever. Therefore, it is certain the lessees would accept the risk only at a rental insuring them against loss, but so low as not to reimburse the State for the outlay in purchase. Neither is it likely the lessees would cramp their operations by agreeing to reduce rates, irrespective of the course their own interests would dictate; consequently,

they would be in no better condition to reduce than are the present directors.

This experiment has been tried in Europe. It has worked successfully in Belgium. That kingdom is densely populated, and comprises a total area much less than half of any single Western State. They have all the railroads the country needs. Only small branch lines, or "by-ways," as they are termed, will be built. The same limitations apply to Great Britain and France. The State can easily build these little side-lines. Our country does not afford a parallel case. Does any reformer wish to see the government undertake the construction of a trunk line across half a dozen States? What a chance for jobs and fat contracts! One Credit Mobilier operation should satisfy us.

As owner of so vast a property, the government would be obliged to employ a retinue of skilled officers to supervise it, and see that the lessees maintained it properly. The importance of their duties would command large salaries, which, considering the number needed, would draw heavily upon the receipts from the lessees. The economy of the plan is, therefore, open to considerable doubt. Another possibility might arise. However admirably the terms of the lessees should be drawn, in view of the great political influence the companies could wield, these conditions might be modified. Common interest would dictate that their political power should be ranged on the side of the government; and, when the millions of railroad employees are taken into consideration, this view of the question becomes alarming and sufficient of itself to defeat the scheme.

The subject carries us still further. Railway enterprise has extended to numerous accompanying undertakings-to car shops and locomotive works, to stations, warehouses, docks, harbors, vessels, transit steamers, bridges, and other

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subsidiary enterprises, dependent upon and incorporated with the railways. The government, if it purchased the railways, would be obliged to include these subsidiary connections.

Government ownership would discourage further construction, as tending to diminish the public revenue, or they might be made a charge upon the several States. In any event, it would quench the spirit of enterprise on the part of the individuals, which, exercised as at present, is our best protection against monopoly.

Financially considered, who could estimate the depressing effect upon our national securities were the government to enter the market annually as a borrower of say $100,000,000, for the purchase of doubtful property? Viewed in this light, the scheme does not promise well to the State, as a financial transaction; and, we take it, there is no disposition to cheapen transportation at the expense of the public treasury.

This subject has been thoroughly considered in England, and the last Royal Commission appointed for that purpose thus summed up their report: "We are of opinion that it is inexpedient, at present, to subvert the policy which has hitherto been adopted of leaving the construction and management of railways to the free enterprise of the people;' adding, in the case of Ireland, where are many unprofitable lines, "that, as the railway companies have the best opportunities of judging whether rates can be reduced so as to be recuperative within a reasonable time, they should be left. free to carry out such experiments at their own risk."

CHAPTER XXXVII.

THE BENEFITS CONFERRED BY RAILROADS.

CONTINUATION OF CONTRIBUTED ARTICLE, BY J. W. MIDGLEY, ESQ., CHICAGO.

The feeling against railroads has been so intense as to ignore their beneficial effects. Yet these are not insignificant. Perhaps they can best be estimated by imagining our condition were we suddenly to be thrown back to the state of locomotion existing forty years ago. Such return would render personal travel intolerable, would suspend business, and collapse thousands of enterprises originated and made prosperous by railway facilities.

With our fathers, a journey of three hundred miles was an event in a lifetime, and was not undertaken until a man had made his will. It is now easily, luxuriously, and expeditiously accomplished. Safety and speed are incomparable benefits. Strange though it may seem in view of the numerous startling accidents, the number of persons killed or injured on all the railways in Great Britain and Ireland is less than the number killed or injured by ordinary vehicles in London alone. The cost of traveling is also diminished fully one-half.

The untold benefits of safety, cheapness, and speed apply

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still more to the transportation of freight. The old-time wagons never averaged more than three or four miles an hour; now, light, valuable packages are carried on express trains at the rate of thirty miles an hour. It might also be deemed worthy of recognition that the railways have done more toward the defense of the country than all other works, by affording rapid and effective means of concentrating men and supplies in case of necessity. Then, to a degree not easily estimated, they have contributed to the spread of mor

The Rural Toilers of Forty Years ago.

ality and the diffusion of knowledge, by their liberal concessions to delegates attending conventions, and the half fare permits given to clergymen.

One might almost have the temerity to inquire how the farmers, Grangers, and anti-monopolists could assemble to discuss their grinding wrongs (?) were the railways not to bring them together.

These results have been attained without expense to the public, who are the principal recipients. Western mencitizens or Grangers-have put comparatively little into the

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