up the output of guns and munitions, and has proved it again and again by his policy since he came into office. Last month, in his Paris speech and in his reply to criticisms on that speech, he has again demonstrated it up to the hilt, with the result that the suggested Allied War Council is likely to be a reality and go further, than anything has as yet, to bring about united action and true cooperation between the Allies. It seems impossible to over-estimate the value of such Council in furthering the successful carrying on of the war; to common sense it would seem to be the only possible way of bringing the requisite knowledge of conditions prevailing throughout the length and breadth of the Fronts on which the Allied armies are operating to those in control of the various sections. It is lamentable to dwell on the failures which Mr. Lloyd George considers directly attributable to the lack of co-ordination in the past. Whether he is right or wrong in his estimate, and we cannot but agree that Serbia, Roumania and the latest débâcle in Italy point to his being right, these tragedies bring home to us the fact that, as the Premier said, this war is veritably a siege of nations and that "every part of the line of circumvallation must be strong enough to resist the strongest attack which the besieged can bring to bear on it, and that the besieging army must be ready to strike at the weakest point of the enemy wherever that may be." The Allies in the past have tried to attain the necessary unity and co-ordination by a series of conferences and consultations and have failed. Only the future can prove whether the Supreme War Council will solve the question. Such solution in substance, we are told, was proposed by Lord Kitchener in 1915, and the Chiefs of Staffs of the four Western Allies repeated the proposal this summer : facts, which tend to put out of countenance those who suggest that Lloyd George invented the Rapallo plan in order to establish civilian interference with the soldiers-as does also the fact that the actual plan now submitted was

drawn up by a member of the War Staff and that not only it but the Paris speech itself had been discussed and approved by the whole War Cabinet.

A Personal Triumph.

He

Mr. Lloyd George achieved a great personal triumph in his reply to Mr. Asquith's objections to the Rapallo plan and his criticisms of the Paris speech-a triumph not only for himself and for his Government but for the interests of the Allied cause. seized the attention of the House and kept it riveted until the last word of his brilliant peroration. He made clear and proved with force and power the case for the establishment of the Supreme War Council, and indicated to the complete satisfaction of the House the essential soundness of the scheme. The Prime Minister has never done a more effective and better fortnight's work than in his journey to Italy, his speech in Paris, and his vindication of the whole chapter in the House of Commons.

The Paris speech has The been received with acclaParis Speech. mation in France, Italy and America- all enthusiastically support the formation of a Supreme War Council. The French Press is full of gratitude to the man who has had the courage in speaking of the Alliance to "dare to confess the faults of the Alliance." France, they say, is ready to take her share of the blame as Great Britain and Italy will take theirs. The effect in Italy has been to strengthen the national feeling and confidence in victory. America has expressed absolute approval-the only criticism being the fear that it does not go far enough, the United States inclining strongly to a War Council with executive powers; but the New York Times observes that. in view of Mr. Lloyd George's statement that such a council would be undesirable until the more moderate scheme now proposed has proved inadequate, it will no doubt waive its preference for the time. Mr. Wilson has expressed himself as strongly in favour of a compact and

supreme Joint War Board of the Allies, and has asked Colonel House and General Bliss to attend the first meeting of the Supreme War Council, but his message to Colonel House with regard to the Allied Conference in Paris, at which for the first time the United States takes full participation, "to confer with the heads of the Allied Governments with a view to achieving the closest co-operation," is interpreted in America as meaning that he hopes that a more effective scheme for unifying Allied operations than that at present suggested will emerge from the Paris meeting.

The Supreme War Council.

The Supreme War Council, the proposed formation of which was definitely decided on at the Rapallo Conference in Italy, where Mr. Lloyd George, General Sir William Robertson and General Smuts, together with M. Painlevé, had hurried in order to discuss with King Victor and those in authority the steps to be taken to counter the tragic happenings of last month, will, as at present arranged, be composed of the Prime Ministers of Great Britain, France and Italy, and a member of the War Council of each country, and will meet not less than once a month, whilst the central military committee of the Council, at which General Foch will represent France, General Cadorna Italy, and General Sir Henry Wilson Great Britain, will sit permanently at Versailles. With With the information derived from every front, it will thus for the first time have the necessary data and opportunity for bringing about co-ordination in the plans of the General Staffs over all the fronts. As has been already stated, Mr. Wilson has expressed his desire that Colonel House and General Bliss shall attend the first meeting. The Navy-for the co-ordination of whose operations the Prime Minister stated there is as great an argument for setting up a similar council, and we hope before long this may be realised-is to be represented, a naval adviser to inform upon all naval

Other Representatives.

questions bearing on military operations having been appointed by the Admiralty; and the Premier stated negotiations are proceeding with Russia and Japan to provide for their representation on the Council. As yet there has been nothing definite said with regard to the Balkans, where failure has so often been spelled in the past; surely they ought to be specially represented. We should like to see M. Venizelos, who has proved himself so true a patriot throughout the Greek débâcle and so eminent and able a statesman since his return to power, and the veteran Serbian statesman, M. Pashitch, as members of such council.

the

Whilst acclaiming the Economic which machinery Co-operation. Premier has so valiantly set in motion to achieve unity and co-ordination at the battle fronts, we must remind him there is still much to be done behind those fronts before we can boast that we have the principle of the "Single Front" in full application. The Allies are in need of co-operation in the maintenance of their war industries and their economic life generally, equally as much as they are in the defence of their respective frontiers. Will "brutal frankness" alone achieve this also? If so, let us have it. The arrangements for "syndicating economic interests of which we were told some months ago appear to have had slender results in practice. If the weaker of the Allies are to be enabled to keep their footing this is a question which must be grappled with at once. Italy is a case in point of the necessity of economic cooperation. Her recent disaster can be traced to a large extent to the lack of it. The collapse of moral in a portion of the Army was largely due, it is asserted, to the lack of food supplies. Both the food and the coal situation throughout Italy demand urgent attention. Last year's harvest was 3,000,000 tons below normal level. Coal imports have fallen to half the ordinary consumption, non-war industries have been forced to close down, the railways are crippled and the production

of munitions handicapped. If the Italians are to play an effective part in the war a determined effort must be made to sustain them in the various "sinews of war," and only by economic co-operation is this possible.

By far the most imporThe tant American Mission American that has ever crossed the Mission. seas arrived in London last month. Headed by Colonel House, who directly represents Mr. Wilson, it includes eminent naval and military leaders and the foremost representatives of America's enormous industrial and economic organisation for war. No more signal nor opportune proof could have been given of America's whole-hearted entry into the war. Its presence on this side of the Atlantic will help the Allies to clearer and more resourceful decisions on matters for which American blood and money will have to pay. The members of the Mission were received at luncheon by the King and Queen and were in consultation with all our foremost men in Naval, Military and Business Departments. On Tuesday, November 20th, there was held what will be one of the historie meetings of the war. In the very room in No. 10 Downing Street where one hundred and fifty years ago the decisions were arrived at which made the severance of the two countries inevitable, and where the treaty of peace with the new Republic was signed, the representatives of that Republic to-day met the representatives of the British Government to discuss the most effective methods of attaining the goal towards which the minds of both nations are set. The Conference, as the Prime Minister observed, was the culmination of a great deal of hard work which the members of the Mission and the British Departments had been getting through since the arrival of the American delegates on these shores.

America's Weight.

There is no question of America's determination to throw her full weight into the struggle. What she wants to know is just where this

weight will tell. A difficult question, as Mr. Lloyd George remarked; but there are two points which at present stand out particularly-Man-Power and Shippingand the Prime Minister stated that the sooner the Republic can send over a large number of troops the better. With regard to shipping he explained how British shipping is now wholly employed on war work, partly for the Allies and partly on her own account; and assuming that the submarine situation gets no worse, the easing of the position of the Allies depends entirely upon the date at which the American programme of launching 6,000,000 tons of shipping comes into actual effect. Of secondary urgency, but of utmost importance, comes the air service, in which the Allies may safely count on American help. Next to aeroplanes comes Food. Several of the great grain fields of the world, notably those of Russia, being unavailable at present, we are compelled to rely upon the United States and Canada to replenish our food supplies.