in what they are pleased to call "politics" unless there looms up very distinctly at the end of the campaign a chance to divide the local offices. When a city has adopted the policy of appointing to the local offices only the men who pass examination as to fitness,-in which ability to carry "de Fift Ward" cuts no appreciable figure,-these patriotic gentlemen incontinently retire from the business of regulating the governmental ⚫ policy of their country to some other field of labor, where a fair compensation is still paid for an honest day's work. Without a local gang,-that is, without the power to pay a local gang out of the public funds,-the other patriotic gentlemen. who are running for the local elective offices are compelled to run on their merit, and so, naturally, the best men,-the men best fitted for the elective offices,-are brought to the front. The question of fitness governs here as well as in the appointive offices. Party politics are seen to be out of place where the question is,-Who shall take charge of a great business corporation like a city? Already parties,-where they still make nominations for the local offices,-are running business men for candidates, and are running them on the basis of their business ability. Scarcely a word of party politics is heard in the campaign; and the spectacle is presented of a political campaign with no politics in it. While I do not say that we have reached this advanced stage in political science throughout the West, there are evidences that we are well on the way.

In the municipal elections of last year, in cities in several of the western states,-Illinois, Ohio, Iowa, Wisconsin and others, there were citizens' tickets, based upon the merit system, and in nearly every case they were successful. These cases are undoubtedly increasing from year to year. Although in many of these states there is as yet no civil service law, still these citizens' movements are distinctly on the merit system and on the line of this reform; the candidates are run on their fitness for the office and on the promise to apply the merit test in appointments to office. In fact, these organized efforts to exclude party politics from local government are an expansion of the civil service reform idea, and the public sentiment which makes them possible is the result, largely, of the spread of that reform. In communities where a civil service law continues in thorough operation it seems to me that non-partisanship in local elections must necessarily follow, and is merely a

question of time. The Voters' League of Chicago last Spring began the regeneration of the City Council-a job which they propose to finish with neatness and dispatch in the coming spring election.

In conclusion, I know you will permit me to say,-without implying any discourtesy whatever, that the atmosphere of the West seems more congenial to the growth of civil service reform than that of the East. I know that you of the East have fought those bitter battles for a foothold, which are so peculiarly thankless, for many years; and that your experience has not only furnished us with material for a quicker development, but has, to a large extent, opened the educational feature of the campaign all over the country. I mean, therefore, to give you full credit for your share in bringing about this unusual susceptibility of the people of the West to take kindly to civil service reform.

In the West the growth of the sentiment for the reform, in all its aspects, seems to be rapid and continuous, and yet healthy; and it is already cropping out in practical legislation in many of these states. In Chicago we shall get the entire city service under the rules within five years after the passage of the law, even if we have to change the political complexion of an administration sometimes on purpose to do it. A business proposition like that which lies at the base of this reform, and its application to matters which have heretofore been thought to be political,-in the worst sense of the word,—is readily apprehended in the West. The reign of precedent is not so imperious as in the East. The perception of the useful is keener, and the determination to test it, regardless of its youth or want of respectability, is swifter and more tenacious. Civil service reform in the West, although slow in getting its start, has had no steps to retrace; no experience with unfortunate results. Its wide significance,—its absolute necessity as the foundation of safe municipal government,has now gained the recognition of the people,-especially those of the cities. Movements in its behalf are already becoming the tests of progress in the large western towns; the standard by which the grade of popular intelligence is judged. I believe it is only a question of time when the merit system will be permanently applied to the filling of all places in our municipalities, and when we shall be ashamed to acknowledge that there

was a period in our history when men got positions as inspectors of our drains, or assessors of our property for taxation, on the sole ground that they had rendered questionable assistance to some ward politician in his personal campaign for a more important office, for which he was equally unfit.

Four-Year Tenure.

BY LUCIUS B. SWIFT.

THE late Bryanite platform declared against a life tenure, charged as being built up in the public service; and Bryan himself in his letter of acceptance, and in one of the slight variations of his speech, showed that no after-thought had brought him new light. No one in America is in favor of a life tenure. It is contrary to republican government and to the spirit of American institutions. If a life tenure is being built up here, it is the duty of every one to turn in and pull down the structure. But it is well first to be sure of the fact.

A boiler-maker works through the week in the shops and at the end draws his pay. The next week is the same, and this may continue through months and even years. It might continue until from old age or other disability he is no longer able to work. The requirements are that there shall be work for him to do and that he shall be faithful and efficient. While these exist it is manifestly to the detriment of his employer to dismiss him. He may, however, be dismissed at any time because there is no work, or for any kind of misconduct, or for lack of efficiency, or for no reason whatever. Clearly, this is not a life tenure. Turning to the public service, a railway mail clerk obtains his place by competition. Having obtained it and proving himself faithful and efficient, he may work on for weeks, months and years, and even until old age or other disability renders him unfit. He may be dismissed, however, at any time because there is no work, or for any impropriety or misconduct, or for lack of faithfulness or efficiency, or for no reason whatever. This is not a life tenure, as Bryan and his convention knew. The declaration of his platform was a falsehood, fitly set with other falsehoods to aid him and other demagogues in a scheme of plunder so comprehensive that it left no interest untouched.

There is no difference between the tenure of the boilermaker and of the clerk. The work which has been accom

plished in the thirty years of the struggle for the merit system, largely under the leadership of this League, is the transfer from the field of politics to the field of the wage-earner of about 100,000 of the best places in the federal service. This is a tremendous fact to wage-earners. The former occupants went into these places political heelers. They had nothing at the beginning nor more at the end. It became a proverb that a place was a curse and place-seeking a guaranty of poverty. What do these places mean now? They mean the retention of manhood in getting them; they mean comfortable support of families, the acquirement of a home, the education of children and peace of mind; they mean a better and more economical public service and a great elevation of public morals. That the men who attacked and would have overthrown this system have met with overwhelming and humiliating defeat, is the most gratifying fact that has appeared in the history of civil service reform. And the unhampered power of dismissal which should be kept unhampered, except by the requirement of a written reason, is not only the guaranty of discipline and efficiency, but it is and will remain the complete answer to the charge of life tenure.

The victory and final establishment of the merit system has left much of the federal service in a curious condition. It may be described as light-headed. Most of the offices under the merit system have under-employees of long experience and high skill and efficiency. The heads have less, for the reason that they were generally appointed within four years and almost universally without knowledge of their duties or of the work to be done. The process was to go upon the street and pick up active politicians or take some beneficiary of an active politician. President McKinley will soon be asked to repeat this process because four years have elapsed since the present holders came in. Your county chairman of the party committee is expected to become post-master; your state chairman in a close state, a greater consul; your state secretary a lesser consul; your state committeeman, collector of internal revenue; your chief wire puller, district attorney, and so on; but always a place to reward actual or alleged service in carrying the election.

I wish to say a word for campaign services. I have seen them rendered for years but I have never seen them so neces