France, our ally and our friend and who aided in the contest, has now embarked in the same noble career; and I am happy to add that whilst the fortitude, magnanimity, and heroic valor of her troops, command the admiration and applause of the astonished world, the wisdom and firmness of her councils unite equally in securing the happiest result.

America is not an unfeeling spectator of your affairs in the present crisis. I lay before you in the declarations of every department of our Government, declarations which are founded in the affection of the citizens at large, the most decided proof of her sincere attachment to the liberty, prosperity, and happiness of the French Republic. Each branch of Congress according to the course of proceedings there has requested the President to make this known to you in its behalf; and in fulfilling the desires of those branches I am instructed to declare to you that he has expressed his own.

In discharging the duties of the office which I am now called on to execute, I promise myself the highest satisfaction; because I well know that whilst I pursue the dictates of my own heart in wishing the liberty and happiness of the French Nation, and which I most sincerely do, I speak the sentiments of my own Country; and that by doing everything in my power to preserve and perpetuate the harmony so happily subsisting at present between the two Republics, I shall promote the interest of both. To this great object therefore all my efforts will be directed. If I shall be so fortunate as to succeed in such manner as to merit the approbation of both Republics I shall deem it the happiest event of my life and return hereafter with a consolation, which those who mean well and have served the cause of liberty alone can feel.

LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA

LONDON, ENGLAND, Nov. 29, 1803.

I RECOLLECT that while I had the honor to serve the Commonwealth in the Executive, it appeared that there were many cases of contestation between the State and British subjects, growing out of our revolution and treaties with this country for tracts of land and lots lying in several of our counties and towns, some of which were of great value. Several of these controversies were of long standing and attended with great expense, while the result was quite uncertain. It has occurred to me, that it might be advantageous to the State to compromise these disputes with the parties by the purchase of their claims for some reasonable equivalent. It is presumable that they would prefer selling them at a very moderate price, a half or less of their value to be paid by instalments, which might be satisfied out of the lands alone, to the prosecution of a doubtful controversy, which keeps them so long, even in a case of favorable issue, from the possession of the property. It might also be more satisfactory to the State to adjust these controversies by amicable compromise, than by legal decision, since the former is a mode that will content every one. If the State is disposed to adopt this mode, and thinks proper to repose the trust in me, I will accept it with pleasure, and undertake to execute it in the best manner in my power. I shall wish no compensation for the service; my sole object will be to render myself useful to my country, and my highest gratification to succeed in the undertaking.

*

It may be deemed presumptuous in me to express a wish as to the application of the money which may thus be raised, in case the idea is adopted and executed with success. The wisdom of the Legislature will, I doubt not, destine it to some humane and useful object. Had I a seat in the Legislature and a vote on the application, it would be to the purpose of public instruction. It is an opinion which I have long entertained, on which every day's experience and observation tends to confirm, that however free our political institutions may be in the commencement, liberty cannot long be preserved

unless the society in every district, in all its members, possesses that portion of useful knowledge which is necessary to qualify them to discharge with credit and effect, those great duties of citizens on which free Government rests. The responsibility of public servants, however, well provided for by the Constitution, becomes vain and useless if the people in general are not competent judges, in the course of the administration, of all the questions which it involves. If it was wise, manly and patriotic in us to establish a free Government, it is equally incumbent on us to attend to the necessary means of its preservation. The money thus raised, might form the commencement of a system, which under favorable auspices, especially the humane patronage of the Legislature, might be matured hereafter and extended throughout the Commonwealth. You will excuse the liberty I have taken to make this suggestion, and be assured that it will give me great and sincere pleasure to have it in my power while I remain abroad to render service to my country and my friends in this or any other mode in which they will be pleased to command me. Be so kind as to present my most friendly regards to the gentlemen at your Board, and believe me to be, dear sir, with great respect and esteem,

Affectionately yours, &c.

THE "MONROE DOCTRINE"

Extracts from President Monroe's Seventh Annual Message, December 2, 1823.

MANY important subjects will claim your attention during the present session, of which I shall endeavor to give, in aid of your deliberation, a just idea in this communication. I undertake this duty with diffidence, from the vast extent of the interests on which I have to treat and of their great importance to every portion of our Union. I enter on it with zeal from a thorough conviction that there never was a period since the establishment of our Revolution when, regarding the condition of the civilized world and its bearing on us, there was greater necessity for devotion in the public servants to their respective duties, or for virtue, patriotism, and union in our constituents.

Meeting in you a new Congress, I deem it proper to present this view of public affairs in greater detail than might otherwise be necessary. I do it, however, with peculiar satisfaction, from a knowledge that in this respect I shall comply more fully with the sound principles of our Government. The people being with us exclusively the sovereign, it is indispensable that full information be laid before them on all important subjects, to enable them to exercise that high power with complete effect. If kept in the dark, they must be incompetent to do it. We are all liable to error, and those who are engaged in the management of public affairs are more subject to excitement and to be led astray by their particular interests and passions than the great body of our constituents who, living at home in the pursuit of their ordinary avocations, are calm but deeply interested spectators of events and of the conduct of those who are parties to them. To the people every department of the Government and every individual in each are responsible, and the more full their information the better they can judge of the wisdom of the policy pursued and of the conduct of each in regard to it. From their dispassionate judgment much aid may always be obtained, while their approbation will form the greatest incentive and most gratifying reward for virtuous actions, and the dread of their censure the best security against the abuse of their confidence. Their interests in all vital questions are the same, and the bond, by sentiment as well as by interest, will be proportionably strengthened as they are better informed of the real state of public affairs, especially in difficult conjunctures. It is by such knowledge that local prejudices and jealousies are surmounted, and that a national policy, extending its fostering care and protection to all the great interests of the Union, is formed and steadily adhered to.

A precise knowledge of our relations with foreign powers as respects our negotiations and transactions with each is thought to be particularly necessary. Equally necessary is it that we should form a just estimate of our resources, revenue, and progress in every kind of improvement connected with the national prosperity and public defense. It is by rendering justice to other nations that we may expect it from them. It

is by our ability to resent injuries and redress wrongs that we may avoid them.

At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A similar proposal had been made by His Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the United States has been desirous by this friendly proceeding of manifesting the great value which they have invariably attached to the friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude to cultivate the best understanding with his Government. In the discussions to which this interest has given rise, and in the arrangements by which they may terminate, the occasion has been judged proper for asserting as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.

Since the close of the last session of Congress the commissioners and arbitrators for ascertaining and determining the amount of indemnification which may be due to citizens of the United States under the decision of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Russia, in conformity to the convention concluded at St. Petersburg on the 12th of July, 1822, have assembled in this city, and organized themselves as a board for the performance of the duties assigned to them by that treaty. The commission constituted under the eleventh article of the treaty of the 22nd of February, 1819, between the United States and Spain is also in session here, and as the term of three years limited by the treaty for the execution of the trust. will expire before the period of the next regular meeting of Congress, the attention of the Legislature will be drawn to the measures which may be necessary to accomplish the objects for which the commission was instituted.