The Pope restored by France.

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absurd to speak of the Dictatorship as "a reign of terror." The reign of terror began when the eternal city was entered in the name of the Pontiff and the yellow flag hoisted on the capitol. Imprisonment and exile, the dismissal of officials dependent on their employment for their daily bread, the espionage of the Gregorian police, the political inquisitions, the barbarities practised on the poor Jews of the Ghetto, the mysterious processes of the Holy Office,—such are a few of the blessings secured for the Roman States by the interference of France. The press has again been silenced, and the Romans have no other mode of expressing their opinions than by pasting their harmless lampoons on Pasquin's noseless statue. The Index has been vigorously plied against the writers whom Pius IX. once "delighted to honour." The utmost that French diplomacy could wring from the reluctant Pontiff was the Proprio-Motu of Portici and the amnesty of the 12th September, 1849; and this narrow measure, developed, or rather explained, in as narrow a spirit, by the edicts of September 1850, is the present law of the Roman States. Prince Louis Napoleon, in his famous letter to Edgard Ney, on the 18th of August, had summed up the concessions that he deemed essential:-1. A general amnesty; 2. Secularization of the Government; 3. The Code Napoleon; 4. Liberal institutions. This summary went beyond the memorandum of the five great powers presented to Cardinal Bernetti in 1831; but the reply given to the demands of the President was precisely akin to that which Gregory XVI. had given to his advisers. The Constitution of the 14th of March, prepared as it had been by a commission of cardinals, and solemnly granted by the Pope, was wholly set aside. The Proprio-Motu of Portici granted two councils of State, with simple powers of giving advice, which nobody was obliged to take, provincial and municipal councils, and a "general amnesty," with exceptions, by which everybody was excepted; and this was all. "Messieurs," said Victor Hugo, "the Pope has closed both his hands." Yet France, thankful at times for the smallest mercies, professed herself satisfied. The Italian journals are still disputing whether the "proscribed" of the Roman States amount to fifteen or only to ten thousand-an apt illustration of the meaning of "an amnesty" in these latter days of the Papacy. It is, perhaps, well that France, by her miserable Roman expedition, has broken the charm of her name in Italy. She entered the Roman States with a falsehood, a profession that she came not to impose on the people an obnoxious Government, but to maintain order and liberty; and she ended by declaring that her object was to restore the Pope in his former power, and that she deemed the decree of Portici sufficient. But, in truth, the report presented by the commission on the Roman

expedition to the Assembly of October 1849, seems to have gone in search of a theory. France interfered, came, saw, and conquered, though not quite in Cæsar's style, and it was necessary to find out a reason for all this. First she acted, and having performed a very questionable part, she moved a great debate in her Assembly of Representatives to discover her motives for acting. To get out of the labyrinth the only clue was the accepting of the Proprio-Motu. The plausibilities of M. de Tocqueville, the interminable prolixity of Thuriot de la Rosière, and the fervent neo-Catholic eloquence of M. de Montalembert had not so much influence on the Assembly as the necessity of getting respectably out of a difficulty, and hence, by an astounding majority, the credit was voted.

A year passed in silence after the publication of the ProprioMotu of Portici, and almost the last vestige of the reforms of 1847 and 1848 had been swept away. The esaltati were in exile, there were prisoners pining in St. Angelo, the population of Rome had been reduced by thousands, the press was silent, and only the two official journals chronicled the monotonous proceedings of the reaction, but the Papal Camarilla was slowly elaborating the organic laws of the Roman States. The mountains were in labour, and at length the mouse appeared. On the 10th September 1850, appeared the two edicts of Cardinal Antonelli, on the Council of Ministers and the Council of State. The other institutions, the Municipal and Provincial Councils and the Consulta of Finance, remained to be organized afterwards, according to the programme of Portici, but they are of less importance than the two primary institutions. The feeling with which the edicts were received was not one of disappointment, for little had been expected, but of hopeless resignation. Any concession would have been received with a feeling of joyful surprise but the day for such gratifications has passed, and there is no attempt at improvement, no modifying of the Papacy to suit the spirit of the age, nothing but the absolute restoration of the clerical supremacy. The reforms or concessions of Pius IX., up till November 1848, are passed over or condemned as revolutionary. The cabinet of five ministers is a mere form, as the chief or rather the sole power is concentrated in the hands of the Cardinal Secretary of State. The minister of Public Instruction, who had a place in former cabinets from December 1847 till the Hegira of November, is significantly left out. The Secretary of State has the management of foreign affairs, but this functionary is more than a minister or a president of council. "Like Aaron's rod he swallows up the rest." These and other organic laws on the ministry, published by the Cardinal ProSecretary of State, might be sent to the Exhibition of the In

Present Condition and Prospects of Italy.

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dustry of all Nations, as the rare product of a twelvemonth's labour. The result at which the Roman States have arrived after a struggle carried on by fits and starts from 1815 to 1850, is a Senate of Cardinals, supreme as before; a Council of Ministers, with the chief power concentrated in the Cardinal Secretary, the Alter Ego of the Pope; a reserve force of Ministers without a portfolio; a Council of State and Consulta of Finance, limited to the pleasant task of consultation and advice, without any executive functions; Provincial and Municipal Councils-voilà tout!

We hazard no prophecy on the prospects of Italy, but taking the superficial and obvious facts of the case, the greater part of the Peninsula is now in the same condition as it was before the movement of 1847 began. The same problems are unsolved, the same wants are unsatisfied, the same spirit is striving against its chains. But every element is more developed. Italy has gained knowledge, has had reforms, constitutions, the war of independence, democracy. The strong hand of power has crushed them all: but the same feelings and passions are working under the surface. The fire is still living in the ashes. The Italians have had time to learn something of their errors, of the principles of their weakness and strength, and of the influences that have proved so fatal to their progress. In Tuscany, in the Two Sicilies, even in Rome, the right of the subject is constitutional government, according to the solemn guarantee of regal statutes, and they have the strong element of right in their effort to maintain the Constitutions against the restored regime of the old absolutism. The regal policy which is now treating oaths as of no binding obligation, and the statute-book as so much waste paper, is strengthening the democratic element while it destroys the constitutional. It seems as if the princes themselves were opening the door for Young Italy. With the exceptional case of an Italian kingdom in the north advancing in a better path, discussing great questions in open parliament, entering boldly into political speculations, passing Siccardi laws, abolishing immunities of the priestly ages at a stroke, and standing up to defend her right to do so in the face of Christendom-with such an example before their eyes, the other Italian kingdoms, having the same rights according to statute, but none in reality, cannot quietly sink down into contentedness. If that exceptional case continues, the example must have an influence on the subjects of the other States. If it ceases, Piedmont also will be merged in the general discontent. It does seem as if, in either case, the forces were mustering for another struggle, more determined and more decisive than the last.

ART. III.-The Rise and Progress of Religion in the Soul. By PHILIP DODDRIDGE, D.D. With an Introductory Essay by JOHN FOSTER. Glasgow.

ASIDE from the great thoroughfares, and yet not far from London; large enough to be self-contained, and yet conscious of no bustle; its spacious streets and tidy shops announcing industrious comfort, and its belt of villas suggestive of refined society; its margin laved by the winding Nen, and its ample meadows fragrant with cowslips and milch kine; that shadowy interest hovering over it in which historic minds invest the scene of old Parliaments and sieges, whilst meeting-houses, reading-rooms, and railway stations flare beside medieval fanes in confidential proximity; like a British oak from a Saxon acorn, still growthful and green at heart, Northampton is one of those towns of good constitution, which combine the freshness of youth with the sedateness of antiquity. And as first we hailed it, standing up with its towers and steeples, an islet of masonry in a verdurous sea, we felt that even England could not offer a more tempting retreat to a student somewhat social. Sequestered enough to promise leisure, and withal sufficiently populous to supply incentives to ministerial exertion; had we been a pastor in search of a people, like St. Catherine at Ledbury, we should have heard an opportune chime in its evening air tinkling, and telling us, "Here take up thy rest."

To English Nonconformity Northampton is, or ought to be, a sort of Mecca. Three hundred years ago, it gave birth to Robert Brown, the father of English congregationalism; and within the last generations, Northampton and its neighbourhood have been a chief stronghold of the English Baptists. It was here that the Rylands ministered: the elder, in his orthodox vehemence a Boanerges, in his tender feelings a beloved disciple: the younger famous for his microscopic eyes, and who ought to have been famous for his telescopic heart; for never was there spirit more catholic, or one who could espy goodness at a greater distance. It was in the adjacent Kettering that Andrew Fuller laboured for thirty years; in a noisy study (for it was withal a populous nursery) composing those volumes which have gone so far to give the right tone and attempering to modern Calvinism; a deep digger in the Bible mine, and whose rich, though clumsy ingots, supply to the present day the mint of many a sermon-coiner; himself too homely to be a popular preacher, and too unambitious to regret it, he was in contrivance resourceful, and in counsel sagacious; the mainspring of each

denominational movement, and one of the purest philanthropists, but blunt and ungainly withal. And in Northampton and its surrounding villages a poor cobbler used to ply his craft-for Northampton is the Selkirk of the South-its citizens are sutors; and leaving at home his broken-hearted wife, poor cobbler Carey would hawk from door to door his shoes of supererogation to pay the funeral charges of his child. Under ague and rain, and the unsaleable sackful, he was revolving that Eastern mission of which he was soon to be the father and founder, and from borrowed grammars acquiring those elements of Polyglottal power which shortly developed in the Briareus of Oriental Translation. But our pilgrimage to Northampton was mainly impelled by veneration for another worthy. The running title has already told it; but without its help our readers would have guessed the name of PHILIP DODDRIDGE. We went to see the spot ennobled by the saintliest name in last century's dissenting ministry. We went to see the house where "The Rise and Progress" was written. We visited the old chapel, with its square windows and sombre walls, where so many fervent exhortations were once poured forth, and so much enduring good accomplished. We entered the pulpit where Doddridge used to preach, and the pew where Colonel Gardiner worshipped. We sate in the old arm chair beside the vestry fire, and flanking the little table on which so many pages of that affecting Diary were written. And with a view of a supposed original likeness in the study of our host-a minister of the same school with Doddridge -we finished our Northampton pilgrimage.

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In the ornithological gallery of the British Museum, and near the celebrated remains of the Dodo, is suspended the portrait of an extinct lawyer, Sir John Doderidge, the first of the name who procured any distinction to his old Devonian family. Persons skilful in physiognomy have detected a resemblance betwixt King James's solicitor-general and his only famous namesake. But, although it is difficult to identify the sphery figure of the judge with the slim consumptive preacher, and still more difficult to light up with pensive benevolence the convivial countenance in which official gravity and constitutional gruffness have only yielded to good cheer; yet, it would appear that for some of his mental features, the divine was indebted to his learned ances

Sir John was a bookworm and a scholar; and for a great period of his life a man of mighty industry. His ruling pas

The older houses in Northampton are constructed of oolite, fine grained and yellow, not unlike petrified pease-pudding. When darkened by the weather, such buildings acquire a complexion so sallow and metaphysical, that it somewhat affected our spirits.