November 30, Grant learned that Bragg had gone to Georgia, taking most of the forces from about Wilmington. Deeming it of the utmost importance the expedition should reach its destination then, he said to Butler: "It is important Weitzel should get off during his [Bragg's] absence; if successful in landing, he may by a bold dash capture Wilmington."

Meanwhile Porter perfected the naval organization. He forged his force into a marine thunderbolt. He systematically disciplined it by drill. He divided the fleet into three squadrons, lithographed a plan of attack on a large scale, and assigned to each commander his position in action.

Butler's course was culpable. He disobeyed orders. He provided inferior transports and inadequate rations. He took no intrenching tools or siege guns.

He chose as his rendezvous an offing in sight of the Confederates. Porter repeatedly attempted to obtain some statement of his intention, but without success; and Weitzel did not seem to know whether he (Weitzel) was commander or orderly. Fleet-Captain Breese one day asked what were Butler's plans, and Weitzel replied he did not believe Butler had any. The general impression was similar.

Late in November, Butler communicated to Porter a plan for destroying Fort Fisher. From the effect of explosions at Erith and Woolwich, England, he had reason to believe the proper ignition of two hundred and fifteen tons of powder near the walls of the fort would dismount guns, explode magazines, and destroy the garrison. Scientists sanctioned the idea; and Porter, despite subsequent statements to the contrary, must have had confidence in the scheme, for he "believed the explosion would destroy Wilmington," and hailed the proposal with delight. as an expedient promising to end the delay. Butler declared that if his proposition was consummated he would detail and embark troops as soon as possible.

December 6, Grant gave Butler these instructions:

"The first object of the expedition under General Weitzel is to close to the enemy the port of Wilmington. If successful in this, the second will be to capture Wilmington itself. There are reasonable grounds to hope for success, if advantage can be taken of the absence of the greater part of the enemy's forces, now looking after Sherman in Georgia. The directions. you have given for numbers and equipment are all right, except in the unimportant matter of where they embark and the amount of intrenching tools to be taken. The object will be gained by effecting a landing on the mainland, between Cape Fear River and the Atlantic, north of the North Entrance. Should such landing be effected while the enemy holds Fisher and the batteries guarding the entrance, the troops should intrench, and, by co-operating with the navy, effect the reduction and capture of those places. These in our hands, the navy could enter the harbor, and Wilmington would be sealed. Should Fisher and the Point fall into the hands of our troops immediately on landing, it will be worth the attempt to capture Wilmington by forced march and surprise. If time is consumed in gaining the first object, the second will become a matter of after consideration. The details for execution are intrusted to you and the officer immediately in command. Should the troops under General Weitzel fail to effect a landing, they will without delay be returned to the armies operating against Richmond.

"U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General."

"Major General B. F. BUTLER."

Grant adds: "The importance of getting the expedition off, with or without the powder-boat, without delay, had been urged upon Butler. . . . I directed him to make all arrangements for the departure of Major-General Weitzel, designated to command the land forces, so that the navy might not be detained one moment." Yet Butler now consumed several days in preparing his powder-boat.

On December 12, Butler informed Grant he was

going with the expedition. Grant had had no idea of this, and did not dream but that Weitzel had received all instructions and would command. Nevertheless, he did not forbid Butler, for he supposed he wished to see the explosion of his powder-boat and its effects. Butler, on December 13, sent his transports up the Potomac on a useless parade, and squandered three days of fine weather, during which the enemy was without a force to protect himself. From Confederate sources it is known that this delay enabled the Rebels to reinforce. Had Butler landed during the pleasant weather that prevailed up to the 18th, "he might," according to General Whiting, "with any kind of energy and pluck, have succeeded."

December 19 brought a heavy gale which detained the transports at Beaufort until the 24th. At one time it was feared that the naval fleet would be obliged to leave the coast, but it rode out the gale in a manner that reflects great credit on the navy.

Although the Departments of the Navy and of War had determined that a combined attack was necessary, Porter took advantage of the ensuing favorable weather and arranged some independent movements. But he again wrote to Butler that the explosion would now occur December 23. As the army was sixty miles away, the decision was injudicious, for the success of the enterprise demanded the speedy arrival of the land forces, to take advantage of any damage inflicted by the fleet. That night the "Wilderness" towed the "Louisiana," the powder-boat, as near the beach as possible, and the fleet stood twenty-five miles out to sea. At 1.40 A. M., December 24, the powder was exploded. There was absolutely no result. The ships scarcely felt the shock, and the Confederates only thought a blockade-runner, loaded with ammunition, had exploded, or a Federal cruiser had burst her boiler.

At daylight the fleet stood in, and at 11.30 A. M. Porter made signal to engage. His fifty-six ships, carrying

six hundred guns, took position with almost perfect seamanship. There were three divisions: the first was opposite Mound Battery, but three-quarters of a mile out; the second and third lay one mile off the Northeast Bastion, the third slightly separated toward the north. Then began what General Whiting pronounced the most tremendous bombardment of any war. Commodore Ammen, a veteran, declared that it had not been his lot "to witness any operations comparable in force or effect to this." By the time all the large vessels got in play, Fisher ceased to respond energetically. The firing of the monitors was excellent. The shower of shell, one hundred and fifteen per minute, drove the garrison into their bomb-proofs. The flag-staff was twice cut away; two magazines blew up; and in the burning of some barracks, which continued for hours, the garrison lost blankets and overcoats.

It does not appear by what authority Porter made this purely naval attack of December 24; but it demonstrated the weakness of Fisher, while bombarded, to repel land assailants. It was the universal impression of the navy that the right general and the right troops could take it. In a military sense, the work might be but little injured; but the fleet was able to keep the enemy from their guns and in their casemates, to win for the soldiery safe access to the foot of the parapet, to prevent attack from the north, and thus to double the likelihood of successful assault.

December 25, at 6.30 A. M., all the troop-ships having arrived, Butler sent Weitzel to Porter to arrange a programme, and urged the Admiral to run into Cape Fear River. Porter did not accede to this suggestion, and his failure to make the attempt has been severely criticised. He had performed feats that to his critics seemed more difficult and dangerous, at Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and at New Orleans. He had with his fleet captured blockade-runners which had crossed this very bar. General Whiting affirmed that "a determined enemy could