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millions (livres). These considerations will lead you to take more to heart the interests of the people, which are rather too little attended to. “ I have the honour to be, &c.

66 Bocen." This request, which was really presented, will not be misplaced in a work like the present.*


The feast given to the Roman people by Julius Cæsar and the emperors who succeeded him, are well known. The feast of twenty-two thousand tables served by twenty-two thousand purveyors; the naval fights on artificial lakes, &c. have not however been imitated by the Herulian, Lombard, and Frankish chieftains, who would have their festivity equally celebrated.


What we have to say of Ferrara has no relation to literature, but it has a very great one to justice, which is much more necessary than the belles-lettres, and much less cultivated, at least in Italy.

Ferrara was constantly a fief of the empire, like Parma and Placencia. Pope Clement VIII. robbed Cæsar d’Est of it by force of arms, in 1597. The pretext for this tyranny was a very singular one for å man who called himself the humble vicar of Jesus Christ.

Alphonso d'Est, the first of the name, sovereign of Ferrara, Modena, Est, Carpio, and Rovigno, espoused a simple gentlewoman of Ferrara, named Laura Eustochia, by whom he had three children before marriage. These children he solemnly acknowledged in the face of the church. None of the formalities prescribed by the laws were wanting at this recognition. His successor Alphonso d'Est, was acknowledged duke of Ferrara; he espoused Julia d'Urbino, the daughter of Francis duke d'Urbino, by whom he had the unfortunate Cæsar d'Est, the incontestible heir of all the property of all the family, and declared so by the last duke, who died the 27th of October, 1597. Pope Clement VIII. surnamed Aldobrandino, and originally of the family of a merchant at Florence, dared to pretend that the grandmother of Cæsar d'Est was not sufficiently noble, and that the children which she had brought into the world ought to be considered bastards. The first reason is ridiculous and scandalous in a bishop, the second is unwarrantable in every tribunal in Europe. If the duke was not. legitimate, he ought to have lost Modena and his other states also; and if there was no flaw in his title, he ought to have kept Ferrara as well as Modena.

* Unhappy Spain is enduring all the inconvenience of these legendary saint days at the present moment. In France, thanks to the labours of Voltaire and others, the evil is removed; but as a piece of lively statement and naïve remonstrance, we have preserved the artisan's appeal.-T.

The acquisition of Ferrara was too fine a thing for the pope not to procure all the decretals and decisions of those brave theologians, who declare that the pope can render just that which is unjust. Consequently he first excommunicated Cæsar d'Est, and as excommunication necessarily deprives a man of all his property, the common father of the faithful raised his troops against the excommunicated, to rob him of his inheritance in the name of the church. These troops were defeated, but the duke of Modena soon saw his finances exhausted, and his friends become cool.

To make his case still more deplorable, the king of France, Henry IV. believed himself obliged to take the side of the pope, in order to balance the credit of Philip II. at the court of Rome; in the same manner that good king Louis XII. less excusably dishonoured himself by uniting with that monster Alexander VI. and his execrable bastard the duke of Borgia. The duke was obliged to return and the pope caused Ferrara to be invaded by cardinal Aldobrandino, who entered this flourishing city at the head of a thousand horse and five thousand foot soldiers.

It is a great pity that such a man as Henry IV. descended to this unworthiness which is called politic.

The Catos, Metelluses, Scipios, and Fabriciuses would not thus have betrayed justice to please a priest—and such a priest !

From this time Ferrara became a desart; its uncultivated soil was covered with standing marshes. This province, under the house of Est, had been one of the finest in Italy; the people always regretted their ancient masters, It is true that the duke was indemnified; he was nominated to a bishopric and a benefice; he was even furnished with some measures of salt from the mines of Cervia. But it is no less true that the house of Modena has incontestable and imprescriptable rights to the duchy of Ferrara, of which it was thus shamefully despoiled. Now, my

dear reader, let us suppose that this scene took place at the time in which Jesus Christ appeared to his apostles after his resurrection, and that Simon Barjonas, surnamed Peter, wished to possess himself of the states of this poor duke of Ferrara. Imagine the duke coming to Bethany to demand justice of the Lord Jesus. Our Lord sends immediately for Peter and says to him, “Simon, son of Jonas, I have given thee the keys of heaven, but I have not given thee those of the earth. Because thou hast been told that the heavens surround the globe, and that the contained is in the containing, dost thou imagine that kingdoms here below belong to thee, and that thou hast only to possess thyself of whatever thou likest? I have already forbidden thee to draw the sword. Thou appearest to me a very strange compound; at one time cutting off the ear of Malchus, and at another even denying me. Be more lenient and decarous, and take neither the property nor the ears of any one for fear of thine own.

FEVER. It is not as a physician, but as a patient, that I wish to say a word or two on fever. We cannot help now and then speaking of our enemies; and this one has been attacking me for more than twenty years: not Fréron himself has been more implacable.



I ask pardon of Sydenham, who defined fever to be “ an effort of nature, labouring with all its power to expel the peccant matter.” We might thus define the small-pox, the measles, diarrhea, vomitings, cutáneous eruptions, and twenty other diseases. But, if this physician defined ill, he practised well. He cured, because he had experience, and he knew how to wait.

Boerhaave says, in his Aphorisms,-“A more frequent opposition, and an increased resistance about the capillary vessels, give an absolute idea of an acute


These are the words of a great master : but he sets out with acknowledging that the nature of fever is profoundly hidden.

He does not tell us what that secret principle is which develops itself at regular periods, in intermittent fever —what that internal poison is, which, after the lapse of a day, is renewed--where that flame is, which dies and revives at stated moments.

We pretty well know, that we are liable to fever after excess, or in unseasonable weather. We know that quinquina, judiciously administered, will cure it. This is quite enough: the how we do not know.

Every animal that does not perish suddenly, dies by fever. This fever seems to be the inevitable effect of the fluids that compose the blood, or that which is in the place of blood. The structure of every animal proves to natural philosophers, that it must, at all times, have enjoyed a very short life.

Theologians have held, or have promulgated, other opinions. It is not for us to examine this question. The philosophers and physicians have been right in sensu humano, aud the theologians, in sensu divino. It is said in Deuteronomy, (chap. xxviii. 22.) that if the Jews do not serve the law, they shall be smitten " with a consumption, and with a fever, and with an inflammation, and with an extreme burning.” It is only in Deuteronomy, and in Molière's Physician in Spite of Himself, that people have been threatened with fever.

It seems impossible that fever should not be an accident natural to an animate body, in which so many Auids circulate; just as it is impossible for an animate body not to be crushed by the falling of a rock.

Blood makes life: it furnishes the viscera, the limbs, the skin, the very extremities of the hairs and nails, with the fluids, the humours proper for them.

This blood, by which the animal has life, is formed by the chyle. During pregnancy, this chyle is transmitted from the uretha to the child; and, after the child is born, the milk of the nurse produces this same chyle. The greater diversity of aliments it afterwards receives, the more the chyle is liable to be soured. This alone forming the blood, and this blood, composed of so many different humours, so subject to corruption, circulating through the whole human body more than five hundred and fifty times in twenty-four hours, with the rapidity of a torrent, it is not only astonishing that fever is not more frequent: it is astonishing that man lives." In every articulation, in every gland, in every passage, there is danger of death : but there are also as many succours as there are dangers. Almost every membrane extends or contracts as occasion requires. All the veins have sluices, which open and shut, giving passage to the blood, and preventing a return, by which the machine would be destroyed. The blood, rushing through all these canals, purifies itself. It is a river that carries with it a thousand impurities ; it discharges itself by perspiration, by transpiration, by all the secretions. Fever is itself a succour: it is a rectification when it does not kill.

Man, by his reason, accelerates the cure, by administering bitters, and, above all, by regimen. This reason is an oar, with which he may row for some time on the sea of the world, when disease does not swallow

him up.

It is asked, -How is it that nature has abandoned the animals, her work, to so many horrible diseases, almost always accompanied by fever? How and why so many disorders, with so much order, formation, and destruction, everywhere side by side? This is a difficulty

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