truth to be given in evidence. This motion was not sustained.

A proposition to release the balances of the State debts was postponed; and a provision for the appointment of an Inspector and Adjutant-General of the Army was rejected.

An appropriation of half a million of dollars was made to complete the six ships of the line previously authorized; and a bill for a Naval peace establishment passed. It provided, that all the public vessels, with the exception of thirteen frigates, should be sold. Of those frigates, six were proposed to be kept in constant duty. Gallatin wished to vest the President with discretion as to the number to be employed, but the provision was made imperative.

As emergencies might render the employment of more naval officers necessary than those immediately required for the service, a certain number were retained on halfpay, when not actually employed. It was also proposed, annually to provide materials for the construction of one ship of the line and one frigate, but this was not acceded to. In the new order of things about to be introduced, economy was of higher consideration than this very moderate, gradual provision for the defence of the nation.

During this feeble legislation, the President was beheld dejected and disconsolate, as day after day wore restlessly, wearily away, until the moment of his exit from office. Though passing through a long career of honors until he reached the highest honor the American people could confer, well might he be of abject thoughts. -Valuable friends he had none. Not a single individual of true respect, of becoming pride, of large capacity or of extended influence would be his friend. To his opponents he could not, with manly defiance, appeal. They knew him, had used him, had abused him, and mocked

him. To himself he could not appeal, for, fatally betraying the great consecrated trust which Washington had left him, in himself he could truly see nothing but reproof.

Thus, while anticipating the inevitable sentence of mankind, his last official hours came. On the night of the third of March, Congress terminated its session, and the following morning, Adams-false to himself-false to his country-especially false to constant, faithful New England, which had raised him to all his elevations-now contemned, degraded, humbled to the earth-stole away from the seat of Government at the dawn of day.*

At noon of that day Jefferson was inaugurated.

* A distinguished person in New England, who had long known him well, wrote, "He will return dejected, yet enraged; and all his vindictive passions will be manifested towards the Federalists, and soothed by the Jacobins. They will visit him, and enjoy his maledictions of the Federalists as monocrats aristocrats-oligarchs and armicrats. They will begin to puff, and to raise him up to conspicuous disgrace and eminent mischief."

NOTE.

Speech of James A. Bayard on the Judiciary Act, Feb. 20, 1802:

"In that scene I had my part; it was a part not barren of incident, and which has left an impression which cannot easily depart from my recollection. I know who were rendered important characters, either from the possession of personal means, or from the accident of political situation. And now, sir, let me ask the honorable member what his reflections and belief will be, when he observes that every man, on whose vote the event of the election hung, has since been distinguished by Presidential favor. I fear, sir, I shall violate the decorum of parliamentary proceeding, in the mentioning of names, but I hope the example which has been set me will be admitted as an excuse. Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina, was not a member of the House, but he was one of the most active, efficient, and successful promoters of the election of the present Chief Magistrate. It was well ascertained, that the votes of South Carolina, were to turn the equal balance of the scales. The zeal and industry of Mr. Pinckney had no bounds. The doubtful politics of South Carolina were decided, and her votes cast into the scale of Mr. Jefferson. Mr. Pinckney has

Mr.

·

since been appointed 'Minister Plenipotentiary' to the Court of Madrid; an appointment as high and honorable as any within the gift of the Executive. I will not deny that this preferment is the reward of talents and services, although, sir, I have never yet heard of the talents or services of Mr. Charles Pinckney. In the House of Representatives, I know what was the value of the vote of Mr. Claiborne, of Tennessee. The vote of a State was in his hands. Mr. Claiborne has since been raised to the high dignity of Governor' of the Mississippi territory. I know how great, and how greatly felt, was the importance of the vote of Mr. Linn, of New Jersey. The delegation of the State consists of five members. Two of the delegation were decidedly for Mr. Jefferson, two were decidedly for Mr. Burr. Mr. Linn was considered as inclining to one side, but still doubtful. Both parties looked up to him for the vote of New Jersey. He gave it to Mr. Jefferson, and Mr. Linn has since had the profitable office of 'Supervisor' of his district conferred upon him. Mr. Lyon, of Vermont, was, in this instance, an important man. He neutralized the vote of Vermont. His absence alone would have given the vote of a State to Mr. Burr. It was too much to give an office to Mr. Lyon; his character was low. But Mr. Lyon's son has been handsomely provided for, in one of the executive offices. I shall add to the catalogue but the name of one more gentleman, Mr. Edward Livingston, of New York. I knew well, full well I knew, the consequence of this gentleman. His means were not limited to his own vote; nay, I always considered more than the vote of New York, within his power. Mr. Livingston has been made the 'Attorney for the district of New York;' the road of preferment has been opened to him; and his brother has been raised to the distinguished place of 'Minister Plenipotentiary to the French Republic.'"

CHAPTER CLVIII.

RAISED by corruption to the Chief Magistracy of these United States, Jefferson now renewed in public the pledges as to his policy by which he had in private obtained the support of a part of the Federalists, and thus rendered more flagrant his violation of them.

He feared lest the Senate, exerting its constitutional powers, might reject his nominations to office, and on retiring from that body expressed a strong desire for its support. The Senate assured him, that it would "never be withheld from a Chief Magistrate, who, in the exercise of his office, shall be influenced by a due regard to the honor and interest of the country."

His inaugural address was moulded to the circumstances of his election, inculcating moderation on his followers-throwing out lures to his opponents. Alluding to the recent contest of opinion, while he stated the principle that the will of the majority should govern, he carefully adverted to the equal rights of the minority. 66 All, too, will bear in mind this sacred principle, that, though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will, to be rightful, must be reasonable; that the minority pos

* Jefferson to Monroe. "Should they yield the election, I have reason to expect in the outset the greatest difficulties as to nominations." Feb. 15, 1801.

sess their equal rights, which equal law must protect, and to violate would be oppression. Let us then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one mind-let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself, are but dreary things." He denounced political intolerance as being, "as despotic as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions" as those which "religious intolerance had produced." "Every difference of opinion," he declared, “is not a difference of principle. We have called by dif ferent names brethren of the same principle-we are all Republicans: we are all Federalists."

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After inviting the people "to pursue with courage and confidence their own federal and republican principles, their attachment to union and representative government," he stated what he deemed "to be the essential principles of the Government, and consequently those which ought to shape its administration."-" Equal and exact justice to all men "—" Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations-entangling alliances with none. The support of the State Governments in all their rights." "The preservation of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad." "A jealous care of the right of Election by the people-absolute acquiescence in the will of the majority-a well-disciplined militia as the best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them—the supremacy of the Civil over the military authority-Economy in the public expenses, that labor may be lightly burdened; the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the Public faith ;--encouragement of agriculture and of Commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at

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