believe, we can enforce these principles" (of international justice) "as to ourselves, by peaceable means, now that we are likely to have our public counsels detached from foreign views." This belief was necessarily groundless; and in the fifteenth month of its dull, "wasting" life, the Embargo was repealed; Jefferson yielding, in part, his favorite theory to public clamor, issuing from the lips of angered, universal suffering. But, still unwilling to acknowledge his error, at his instance, a NON-INTERcourse act was subsequently passed,* excluding French and English vessels and their importations from the American waters, after a specified time. The American commerce was now liberated by him, to its own protection, on a great sea of troubles, swarming with unfriendly fleets, where the American flag, dishonored and unvindicated, was rarely seen; and then, or fluttering near the hugged shore, or unwillingly skulking along doubtful, lonely, unfrequented paths of ocean.

This sketch of his own policy and of himself, like only to the picture he drew after his flight from Richmond and resignation of his post of danger, was traced by Jefferson's own pen, two days† before the expiration of his term of office. "After using every effort which could prevent or delay our being entangled in the war of Europe, that seems now our only resource. The edicts of the two belligerents, forbidding us to be seen on the ocean, we met by an embargo. This gave us time to call home our seamen, ships, and property, to levy men, and put our seaports in a certain state of defence." "We have now taken off the embargo, except as to France and England and their

February 11, 1809.

† March 2, 1809. Jefferson to Dupont De Nemours. Jefferson's Works, v. 432, ed. 1854.

territories, because fifty millions of exports, annually sacrificed, are the treble of what war would cost us; besides, that by war we should take something and lose less than at present. *** But all these concerns I am now leaving to be settled by my friend, Mr. Madison. Within a few days, I retire to my family, my books and farms; and having gained the harbor myself, I shall look on my friends still buffeting the storm, with anxiety indeed, but not with envy. Never did a prisoner released from his chains, feel such relief as I shall, on shaking off the shackles of power. Nature intended me for the tranquil pursuits of science, by rendering them my supreme delight. But the enormities of the times in which I have lived, have forced me to take a part in resisting them, and to commit myself on the boisterous ocean of political passions. I thank God for the opportunity of retiring from them without censure, and carrying with me the most consoling proofs of public approbation. I leave every thing in the hands of men so able to take care of them, that if we are destined to meet misfortunes, it will be because no human wisdom could avert them."*

The prompt rejection by the Senate at this time of a person connected with him by the nearest ties, long the object of his favor, as Envoy in a "secret mission" to Russia, was one of "the most consoling proofs of public approbation." +

* Jefferson's Inaugural Message declared this country as he received it from the hands of the Federalists, as being "in the full tide of successful experiment." Madison, his successor, avowed that, "its situation was full of diffi culties."

Jefferson to Short, March 8, 1809. Jefferson's Works, v. 435, ed. 1854. "DEAR SIR:-It is with much concern I inform you that the Senate has nega tived your appointment. We thought it best to keep back the nomination to the close of the session, that the mission might remain secret so long as possible, which you know was our purpose from the beginning. It was then sent in

The apprehended misfortunes, "human wisdom did not avert," for of human wisdom there was little in the Democratic councils to interpose; and Divine wisdom leaves perverse folly to its fate. "Misfortunes" soon came thick. The parsimonious economy, which was to pay off the national debt in eighteen years, produced, by the restrictions on commerce, an estimated annual loss to the United States of Fifty millions of dollars. The "peaceable means" of Jefferson led to a war which augmented the public debt more than sixty millions. These evils, great as they were felt to be at the time, were the lesser evils resulting from the early improvident, and unmanly Democratic policy. This great, this enduring evil has resulted. -The equipoises of the Constitution scarcely exist. The war forced upon Madison's timidity proved the utter weakness of the prevailing system. Defeat and disgrace attended the unprepared, suddenly collected levies. Jealousies from suspicions of governmental favoritism divided the first incompetent commanders. A void treasury sought relief from a direct tax, which could not be collected by the General Government, and was assumed by some of the States. Burdensome loans piled upon each other, told, in their terms, the discredit of the Administration, while a disordered currency and almost universal bankruptcy pointed back to the days when Hamilton's vigor marked every act of the Government, and public confidence rewarded its parental cares. The young life

with an explanation of its object and motives. We took for granted, if any hesitation should arise, that the Senate would take time, and that our friends in that body would make inquiries of us, and give us the opportunity of explaining and removing objections. But to our great surprise, and with an unexampled precipitancy, they rejected it at once. This reception of the last of my official communications to them, could not be unfelt, nor were the causes spoken out by them." The objection was not to the person, but to the mission.

of the nation outgrew all this, but as it grew the Executive office became less and less in true dignity and power. Jefferson had conceded them away, by his abject submissions to the fluctuations of the popular will; and these fluctuations have raised successively to office those who have adopted his maxim as their rule, that it is the duty of the Government, at any cost of principle or of policy, to please the people. Their temporary will has become the law of the moment, while that measured, salutary, prospective, provident will, the essential, noblest characteristic of man as an individual and of nations in their head, no longer is known. Thus it is, that while this page is written, a formidable Rebellion exists, requiring for its suppression all the energies and resources of the nation, which a timely, energetic exertion of the powers of the Government could have subdued in a month. Stern realities are now uttering themselves aloud, and one voice is heard had Hamilton's views prevailed this crisis could not have taken place.'

CHAPTER CLXV.

It is not to be supposed, while innovation and proscription marked the internal policy of the Administration, and its imbecile and improvident counsels ensured the consequences which followed, that Hamilton was wholly quiescent. He truly felt that every citizen of a Republic owes to its institutions his support, to the latest moment of his life; but the mode in which that support should be given was with him a subject of deep, conscientious consideration. A life of action for great and virtuous ends was necessary to the existence of such a man, but the feverish impatience for place and honor, which is the besetting sin of even the most distinguished statesmen, he knew not. Place, as the reward of service, he had never sought and had repeatedly declined, when proffered to him. Power he relinquished, when convinced that, as a private citizen, a more salutary and effective influence could be exerted by him over the councils of this country.

Looking closely into the character of the men now conspicuous upon the stage, and into the motives and tendencies of parties, he believed that a crisis full of danger to liberty and to Republican government was the near and inevitable result of the events he saw in progress; and he was convinced that he could best perform the du