1

Maa Dew association, it tout it Bd not off

a the Popust party. cul aşkarla and labor elerhåret at Oma and put

... Fig gernent ownership of

1 tepaours, a graduated income tax, -, and the free collage of silver and goid at

* I.

1 platiorm the Popalists went into the cam., with Jus B. Weaver as presidential candidate, 4 thần a million votes, principally in the western ife, carrying Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Nevada, one electoral vote in North Dasota and another in Inis & precedented achievemeat by a minority party ydge to son with the Democrats in some of the t beyond question the Populists had attained a numerength which made them a force to be reckoned with in politics."

day account of its advocacy of super money.

apture at the Dentatie party in 1896, Neath at că, but it has stea Ply declined,

The New Era in American Politics

This became apparent in the great free silver contest of 1896, when the Democratic party was captured by the Populist wing, and waged a campaign on a platform based largely upon Populist principles. In that year the sectional issues of the Civil War were cast aside, and the new issues arising out of the industrial revolution, the growth of trusts, and the development of organized labor were forced to the front. The particular plan of reform -the free coinage of silver-with which Mr. Bryan waged his memorable campaign was permanently rejected, but the spirit which he aroused affected all other parties, for he announced in no uncertain tones that an economic revolution had taken place since the Civil War, and he voiced the slowly awakening consciousness of the broad mass of the people to the fact that the great corporate and financial interests would have to be checked and controlled in some way.1

Mr. Bryan was not destined to carry into effect the policies which he advocated with such eloquence and zeal, and it would be misreading the history of our time to attribute the political revolution of the last decade to his personal influence. The times have changed and new issues have come with them. This is evident in the platforms put forth by the two great parties in 1908, and in the policies advocated by presidential candidates during the campaign.2

The Democratic and Republican platforms, in that year, were in accord on a number of points, such as the admission of Arizona and New Mexico as separate states, liberal pensions, the encouragement of the national marine (for which purpose, however, the Democrats would not impose "new or additional burdens on the people" or give "government bounties"), the creation of national public-health agencies, the conservation of natural resources and the establishment of postal savings banks (which the Democrats favored if a guarantee of bank-deposits could not be secured). Both parties agreed that the tariff should receive an early revision, but the Democrats were more specific, favoring

1 For Mr. Bryan's appeal in his famous "crown of thorns" speech, see Readings, p. 105.

2

For the Republican platform of 1908, see Readings, p. 107.

mrazed entuprimirs to wil their commodities at the Bir an chưut this country, subject to variations owing at transportation

el qui stion of injunctions, the Democrats reiterated of a tore and 1994, providing for jury trial in cases of und stated that "injunctions should not be

and up any a a va in which injunctions would not issue if no wys fuy-dydd. * The Republicans, while insisting on pily sexylog This hutsarity of the judiciary, declared that "the Antrim, ti su alould be more accurately defined by

vid that no me action of tripotary restraining order

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Cuba. According to the Republicans, the policies of McKinley and Roosevelt were leading the inhabitants of the islands, step by step, to an ever-increasing measure of home rule.

As to labor questions, the Republicans pointed to their record; and the Democrats promised to create a department of labor and to free unions from the restrictions on combinations in restraint of trade.

The Democratic platform in addition called for the popular election of Senators, an income tax, regulation of telegraphs and telephone rates for interstate business, publicity of campaign funds, and legislation creating a national bank guarantee fund, securing depositors in national banks.

In his acceptance speech, Mr. Taft approved the physical valuation of railways, seemed to favor the exemption of trade unions from the anti-trust law, endorsed the popular election of Senators, and stated that in his opinion an income tax could be passed which would not conflict with the Constitution as interpreted by the Supreme Court.1

1 A new party bearing the name of the Independence party, formed under the auspices of Mr. Hearst in New York, favored anti-injunction legislation, the exemption of labor unions from the operation of anti-trust laws, government ownership of public utilities, and other radical innovations.

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Its enormson Series 3 early mornized but med of Betong time it was reganted a Fairly penalt Con

Confile of its eminently peber, and a torinzly it Sins all governmental contro t was not the abuses the parties became to ou

threate the internity

The commonwealth, that the ranking of regul. te them by was adopted. That ity and were has been Meally advanced, however, itu to mung states the political has been frankly reigned by law and of the regular readientem a wwwnn Party machinery is not a fontentione doveta,ment but is the direct result of the requirencate al pronica poitics The necessity of nominating candidate on afters tends mevitably to the development of causes amb zonniventerans. l the conduct of campaigns, leadership, decopalne ure mensubl and hence we have concentration at asawa nett hunds o' pary directors, and the organization & in remy of ours wirkers When a party is in power, it filla que, nuties and rowers ipws. grants franchises, and in a multitude d wages regulus interests, and out of these actione can contuments cum Bestal