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Granada. The declaration of 1821, made by those provinces when New Granada had already cleared the country of the enemy that held the former viceroyalty under its yoke, was nothing more, in fact, than the sanction of the uti possidetis of 1810, the main foundation of the rights of all Spanish-American countries.
I profoundly regret, on the failure of the mission which was intrusted to me, that my well-meant efforts to reach a fair and honorable settlement with your excellency's Government have thus far been in vain, and compelled, as I am thereby, to depart, I once more confirm the contents of my previous notes and, in the name of Colombia, enter a solemn protest against the denial of justice inflicted on my country by one of the most powerful governments in the world, bound by its very power to be equitable, and put on your excellency's Government the responsibility for all evils to come.
Being unable, under existing circumstances, to take personal leave of the most excellent President and of your excellency, I beg you will accept this excuse and the expression of my thanks for the personal attentions I have received at the hands of all the members of the Administration. I am, with sentiments of the highest consideration, Your excellency's obedient servant,
Mr. Hay to General Reyes.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, January 13, 1904. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your excellency's communication of the 11th of January, 1904, in which you ask that this Government shall reconsider its decision in regard to the submission of the claims of Colombia to the arbitration of The Hague, or, as an alternative to this, you invite a suggestion to your Government of some other means of doing Colombia justice in a manner compatible with her honor.
In reply I beg to inform you that this Government sees no reason to reconsider its attitude in these matters, which has been adopted after mature deliberation and reflection.
Referring to your communication above mentioned, and also to the conversation which I had the honor to hold with your excellency on the same day, I am now instructed by the President to make the following suggestion. This Government is now, as it always has been, and as I have frequently had the honor to inform your excellency, most desirous to lend its good offices for the establishment of friendly relations between the Republic of Colombia and that of Panama. We think that they might be exercised with a hope of a favorable result if Colombia, as may be inferred from our interchange of views, should consider that the conditions necessary to its recognition of the existing state of things are:
First. To submit to a plebiscite the question whether the people of the Isthmus prefer allegiance to the Republic of Panama or to the Republic of Colombia.
Second. To submit to a special court of arbitration the settlement of those claims of a material order which either Colombia or Panama by mutual agreement may reasonably bring forward against the other, as a consequence of facts preceding or following the declaration of independence of Panama.'
I have the honor to be, sir, with sentiments of the highest regard and consideration, Sincerely, yours,
RECEPTION OF UNITED STATES MINISTER ON SPECIAL MISSION
TO PANAMA, RELATIONS WITH PANAMA, ETC.
Mr. Buchanan to Mr. Ilay.
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES
ON SPECIAL MISSION,
Panama, December 25, 1903. Sir: I have the honor to advise you of my arrival at Colon on the morning of the 22d. I was met there by Dr. Gonzales Guill, subsecretary for foreign affairs, and Dr. Juan Mendez, private secretary to the junta. A private car was placed at my disposal and every possible courtesy shown me.
I reached Panama at noon and was met at the station by the minister for foreign affairs and by him escorted to the hotel.
I transmitted the office copy of my credentials to the minister for foreign affairs, with a note, a copy of which I inclose, under “ Inclosure 1,” dated the 23d, and handed to the minister early on the morning of the 24th, together with a second note containing a confidential copy of the remarks I proposed to make upon presenting my letter to the junta. A copy of this note, together with its inclosures, will be found herein, under - Inclosure 2." * * *
I was notified by the minister for foreign affairs on the 24th that I would be received by the junta to-day (25th) at 3 p. m. At that hour I was conducted to the Government House, our carriage passing through two short streets which were lined on both sides with infantry. At the Government House I was awaited by the junta, the cabinet, the supreme court, and all the military officers of high rank in the Republic. My reception was marked by dignity and modest good taste shown by the Government. A military band played the Star Spangled Banner as I entered and when I retired from the Government House.
In response to my remarks Doctor Arango, for the junta, read a reply; a copy and translation you will find herewith, marked “Inclosure 3.”
The entire consular corps was present at the reception, with the exception of the Central American consuls and those from Chile and Argentina. * * *
My reception to-day was in every way marked by a dignified, grateful respect and regard for our country, and was therefore very gratifying to me. I have the honor to be, sir, Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Wm. I. BUCHANAN.
Mr. Buchanan to the minister for foreign affairs.
. PANAMA, December 23, 1903., Sir: I have the honor to advise your excellency of my designation by the President as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America on special mission to your excellency's Government, and to inclose herewith an office copy of the letter I bear from the President accrediting me in such capacity.
I beg to request your excellency to be good enough to designate a time at which I may have the honor to present the original to their excellencies, the members of the junta of the provisional government of the Republic of Panama. I have the honor to be, sir, Very respectfully, your excellency's obedient servant,
Wm. I. BUCHANAN.
Mr. Buchanan to the minister for foreign affairs.
Panama, December 23, 1903. Sir: I beg to inclose for your excellency's information a copy of the remarks I shall have the honor to make to their excellencies, the members of the junta of the provisional government, upon the occasion of my presenting to their excellencies my letter of credence from the President of the United States. I have the honor to be, sir, Very respectfully, your excellency's obedient servant,
Wm. I. BUCHANAN.
(Copy of Mr. Buchanan's remarks upon presenting his credentials.]
I have the honor to present to your excellencies the letter of credence I bear from the President of the United States of America accrediting me as an envoy on special mission to your excellencies' Government.
I am deeply sensible of the honor thus conferred upon me by the President and profoundly grateful for the opportunity I am thus afforded to meet your excellencies'. people and to study the conditions and possibilities of the Republic of Panama.
The advent and the future development and life of this new nation is a subject of keen and kindly interest to the American people, who all wish for your excellencies' people and country that wide progress and advancement which peace, quiet, and economy bring to all countries.
I am charged by the President to express to your excellencies his fervent wish that these benefits shall come to the Republic of Panama, and that happiness, contentment, and prosperity may abide with your excellencies' people.
SIR: The junta of the provisional government of the Republic of Panama receives from your hands with lively satisfaction the letter of His Excellency the President of the United States of America which accredits you before this new nation as special envoy of your Goyernment. By this the greatest Republic of the American continent dignifies its appreciation of the least as an equal with her sister republics of the New World, thus clearly manifesting the high spirit of justice which animates the great people of the north, in whose favor our people extend their best wishes and their best intentions.
The junta of the provisional government of the Republic of Panama considers the selection by the United States Government of one who, like yourself, unites in himself such marked personal and public qualities as to enable him to duly appreciate the present conditions of our country as a high mark of deference. Your presence
in our midst will be the means, if that be possible, of more closely linking the two nations together in sincere friendship and accord.
Notwithstanding we know that the people of your country are interested in the existence and development of this nation, it has been especially gratifying to this junta to hear the fact repeated by the official representative of that people, as great as they are generous and as free as they are well ordered. We pray the Almighty that, as you have said, the benefits of progress, the advancements from peace, and the emoluments of order--the harvest the people of Panama aspire to-may follow, if possible, along the luminous path set by your country with marked advantage for humanity.
You can assure His Excellency the President of your nation that the Government and people of Panama thank him for his good wishes for this Republic, and that we in return fervently hope that all good may come to his people and to himself,
HISTORY OF UPRISING IN PANAMA AND ESTABLISHMENT OF
Mr. Buchanan to Mr. Flay. No. 6.]
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES
ON SPECIAL MISSION,
Panama, December 27, 1903. Sir: In view of the opinion held by some of our people to the effect that the revolution here had nothing at the base other than the canal question and that no serious dissension has existed in Colombia between the Bogotá ruling element and the different departments (or States), the inclosed clippings will interest you, I am sure.
The first is a translation of a remarkable letter recently written the Colombian minister of war by one of Colombia's best known and most valiant generals—Gen. Leopoldo Triana-now in command of a division (by rank) and actually president of the council of the capital of the Department of Cauca.
The weak hold on the nation exercised by the Bogotá government can be appreciated when one stops to realize that a letter such as the one I inclose can be written by an officer of the army to his Government and the writer escape punishment; it also indicates the extent to which secession from the Bogotá government has grown in the Department of Cauca.
As a most significant evidence of the fact that Bogotá fully appreciates the national situation now and is anxious by any means to avert further breaking away from the central Government, on the part of departments, the second inclosure herein will most certainly attract your attention.
It is, as you will note, an order from the Bogotá Government to all governors to immediately call for an expression from their different municipalities as to the urgency of some constitutional reforms and as to how they believe these shall be brought about. It is of course possible that this course may have been adopted by the Bogotá Gor. ernment in order to gain time to work out some plan, but is more probable a necessary step they were obliged to take to save a critical condition in several of their departments, notably in Cauca.
I have taken the copy of the order from El Rigoletto, of Barranquilla, under date of December 16. I have made a translation of the order, which I also inclose. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WM. I. BUCHANAN.
(Fanama (Republic of Panama) Star and Herald, Friday, December 25, 1903.)
RES NON VERBA.
Cali, November 20, 1903. Your excellency asks me, in a telegram of the 16th, whether it is true that I am propagating in the Cauca the idea of separation, and I am called upon to state frankly my views in this respect, and, with the characteristic frankness which your excellency acknowledges in me, I make this statement: It is true that I have written something like a dozen letters drafted on the same model as the one that was sent from Buenaventura to General Velasco, and sent by him to your excellency.
I have thought and do think, honestly, that the Cauca is in need of exercising in the nation the influence to which it has a right, in order that its legitimate interests be duly respected and cared for and to put a stop to the practice of abusing, as hitherto, the good faith and patriotism of its people, with detriment to its well-being and its hopes of progress. * * *
Watching attentively the march of national affairs, especially after the reestablishment of order in June last, I am persuaded by patriotic considerations that there is need of modifying the ultra central system in order that the Government may not put aside the interests of the departments, a system which has naturally been a cause for the separation of Panama and has germinated the same idea in the rest of the departments.
The voice of the Cauca, the great champion in time of war and the most despised at the time of reward, has had no weight at Bogotá, where we are treated as a horde of savages or a flock of sheep.
Innumerable are the recent scandalous acts which reveal the corruption of the national metropolis, where a traffic is carried on in which the conscience and everything else is involved, and which makes it abominable for people who anxiously desire peace and tranquillity to work with the hope of reaping the benefit of honest labor. "The general attention there is given up to absorbing, like a huge sponge, the political combinations in which, however, no idea tending to the well-being of the public is ever considered, but only such as redound to preserve and acquire influence to be subsequently productive of pecuniary gain to those who dispose of the faith of the country for their own personal benefit.
So long as there is no public administration; so long as the men at the head of the Government do not persuade themselves that they are the agents of a free people, we shall continue sliding down the slippery slope of dissolution, thus shattering the bond of union honestly implanted by the delegates of 1886.
I am in favor of federation as the only means of preserving the national union, as it is only in this way that the different sections can be protected against the political, financial, and electoral trusts of the capital, and the only way of attending to their wants and stimulating the youth of the provinces not yet contaminated by the leprosy of the capital or by the corrupting mercantile spirit.
Public instruction, in a professional sense, has absolutely disappeared in the Cauca; the present generation, according to the opinion of a well-known writer of Antioquia will not encumber history.
'In the new order of things the Government could reserve to itself the political direction of the country; the keeping of foreign affairs on a footing of open and honest friendship with all countries, especially with our neighbors; unification of the metallic coinage, the unity of the civil and penal legislation, and the settlement of the foreign debt, so as to uphold our public credit. Other matters would rest with the different sections, be these denominated States or Departments, including the redemption of the paper currency, which is a political and social evil, greater even than the scheme of separation which is bothering our minds.
Since your excellency desired to know my views I have expressed them openly and frankly, in the same way it is my duty to inform your excellency that the indignation is general in the Cauca in consequence of the blunders in Bogotá, and that in spite of information which the Government may have received to the contrary, the idea about separation is almost unanimous; to crush that opinion not a single battalion could be organized, because the outcome would be futile; further, if the Government wishes to keep intact the integrity of Colombia, instead of attempting the task by the use of bayonets it would do well to empower commissions to carry out the work diplomatically, offering something that shall be complied with in administrative matters of municipal life which does not exist, and of civil and political liberty.