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will soon follow in our train; which is the sin- [tem of slavery are becoming more and more cere and ardent wish of

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Extract of a letter from James Cropper to

Arnold Buffum.

known and abhorred, and all seem to be rapidly coming round to advocate immediate abolition; and I trust you will not be very long behind us.

"The proposal of gradual abolition, which was but gradually returning to justice, had a chilling influence on our exertions, so that there was no difference but in degree between the most inveterate advocate of slavery and the gradual abolitionist, for all condemned slavery in the abstract. But now this delusion is gone, this partnership in crime has ended, and we are pursuing a direct, straight forward course.

LETTER TO THOMAS CLARKSON. BOSTON, (New-England,) 12 mo. 20, 1832. MY DEAR FRIEND:

'My mind has been turned to writing an article against the schemes of the Colonization 'I did indeed feel it as a cordial to my heart Society, and I should have done it before this to see a Society established within the United (probably) if my health had permitted—but I States, advocating the immediate and entire rejoice in believing it will not be wanted. My abolition of Slavery. I have for some time zealous and devoted friend Capt, Stuart has deeply lamented the chilling influence, on published an excellent pamphlet, entitled the minds even of the real friends of the Ne-Remarks on the Colony of Liberia, and the American Colonization Society,' which very gro, of the American Colonization Society. An establishment on the coast of Africa of ably exposes this scheme.' those blacks who really go there from their own free choice, is what every friend of humanity must approve, and must rejoice in its success. This has served as a lure, and many of the real friends of humanity have thereby been led into the support of a scheme the most diabolical that ever entered into the heart of man to devise; but such delusions have but their day, and I rejoice in believing that its frightful iniquity is becoming evident, and that the friends of humanity will soon hasten to disavow all connexion with it. Happily, however, the weakness and folly of the shallow pretext, that it is to remove all the African race to the soil of their ancestors, and to give them freedom, cannot long deceive any one. I am of opinion it would cost more than £150,000,000 sterling to purchase and remove the whole black population, (even if done at once)-and if delayed while they increase, it would cost much more. But even if this were done, let it never be forgotten that if these cultivators of the soil were sent away, the land they cultivate would be entirely worthless, and this would not be less loss to the country than £100,000,000 more. Was ever such an act of national suicide before proposed? The American people must remove from their minds the unchristian prejudices against the color of these their fellow men. In the first paragraph in thy letter, thou They must make them free at once: let them hast stated that the object of the society seems then become their tenants and the independ- to be, 'first, to assist in the emancipation of all ent cultivators of the soil, and I feel no ques- the slaves now in the United States.' Taking tion that the land rents from the Blacks will this view of the design of the Society, it is soon be far greater than their revenues from not surprising that thou shouldest so far apthe land and slaves together. Then they may prove its object as thou hast expressed in said rest assured of the peace of their own homes, letter. But if this was really its design, why resting on the solid foundation of the happi- did not the Secretary of the Colonization Soness of their emancipated tenantry. In this ciety, when he published this letter, give thy country, the wickedness and folly of the sys-views of it in thy own words? Surely he

A deep sense of duty to the cause in which thou hast been so long, so ardently, and so successfully engaged, prompts me to address thee, in relation to thy letter of Dec. 1, 1831, addressed to Elliott Cresson, on the subject of the American Colonization Society. That letter has been published in a garbled form in the African Repository of last month. Those parts in which thou expressest thy views of the designs of the Society, as represented to thee by one, who, it seems, is a fit Agent for a Society which can succeed only by stratagem and deception, are omitted, and the place supplied by editorial statements, calculated to produce the impression that thou approvest the wicked devices of that institution; and thus thy name is used in support of a scheme for banishing three hundred thousand of the free citizens of the United States to Africa, who form the connecting link in the chain of human society in this country, between the free white citizens and the slaves, and serve as conductors to the minds of the slaves of the spirit of freedom and the principles of human rights.

Letter to Thomas Clarkson.

could find no language more appropriate or explicit; but this, it seems, would not answer his purpose-this would have shown what were the principles and measures which thou wouldst approve, which are widely different from the principles and measures of that Society of slaveholders. The Editor of the Repository has, therefore, substituted his own views of the Society's design, and then given such parts only of thy letter as suited his purpose, to lead the public mind into a belief that thou didst approve that design.

Omitting the first paragraph of thy letter, he has stated, in an editorial introduction, that thou dost 'consider the object of the Society two-fold; first, to promote the voluntary emigration to Africa of the colored population of the United States.' Why is this deceptive representation of a plan which thou wouldst approve, now published in the African Repository, almost a year after the date of thy letter? Is it not because the Editor has recently learned that the persecuting spirit of that institution, and its design and tendency to strengthen and perpetuate the slave system, have been detected by that noble band of Christian philanthropists, who, in your country, are engaged in pleading the cause of the oppressed? Had thy letter to E. Cresson been judged favorable to the cause of colonization, as understood and practised by the American Colonization Society, is it not reasonable to suppose that it would have been published entire in the Repository when it first made its appearance?

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only three hundred and eighty-eight persons,
who had ever been slaves, had been emanci-
pated and carried to Liberia; and it is believ-
ed that but a very small part of these were
emancipated through the influence of the Col-
onization Society. It is no part of the plan
of the Society to promote emancipations: on
the contrary, they maintain that individual
freedom and individual happiness are properly
subordinate to the public good.' And again,
'that no slave ought to receive his freedom,
except on condition of being excluded, not
merely from the State which sets him loose,
but from the country.' Again, they regard
slavery as a legitimate system, which they
have neither inclination, interest, nor ability
to disturb.' The object of the Society is most
clearly set forth in the speech of the Hon.
Mr. Archer, of Virginia, as published in the
last Annual Report, which, he says, 'is to pro-
vide and keep open a drain for the excess of
increase beyond the occasions of profitable
employment'-to prevent the depreciation in
the value of the slaves, which must otherwise
inevitably follow their disproportionate multi-
plication, being, in the slave states, double
that of the whites. I feel the most perfect
confidence that no man in England, and es-
pecially that none of those who have so nobly
espoused the negro's cause, will give their
names in support of such a scheme.

When, too, we look at the simple facts in relation to the progress of the colony in Liberia, our hearts sicken at the thought that good men have been deceived and led to contribute It is perfectly evident to any one who un- to the establishment of a colony there for derstands the true character of that Society, supplying the natives with ardent spirits, and that thy letter gives no support to its princi- for making war with them on the slightest ples and measures; but, on the contrary, that pretences, murdering the people, and burning it breathes a spirit of Christian philanthropy their towns. We cannot see, in such measin behalf of the suffering slave, which enters ures, any ground for hope that the cause of not into the designs of that institution. Be- civilization and christianity will be thereby sides, the Editor of the Repository was un-promoted. Indeed, judging the future by the doubtedly well aware that it would not do to past, we see no reason why the colonists thempublish, in this country, the other representa- selves are not as likely as any other people on tions, which, it seems, had been made to thee, the face of the earth to engage in the African in order to procure thy name for the promotion slave trade. When they see the most promof the unhallowed designs of the colonization inent men in the Society which sent them scheme. Thy statement, therefore, of the thither making a business of buying and sellrepresentation, that for every £7,10, a slave ing men, women and children in the United would receive his freedom, and be colonized, States, why should not they follow the examis entirely omitted in the Repository-a rep-ple, and supply the ships which visit that coast resentation, which, for unblushing audacity, has rarely been equalled by any man who had any regard for his own reputation, and which is sufficiently answered by a reference to the Constitution of the Society, which declares that 'the object to which its attention shall be exclusively directed shall be to promote a plan for colonizing (with their consent) the free people of color residing in this country, on the coast of Africa, or at such other place as Congress shall deem most expedient.' And also by a reference to the fact, that with all their resources up to the last Annual Report,

VOL. I.

for the purpose of obtaining slaves? Is it rational to suppose that a Society, which declares that it has no inclination to disturb a system under which one sixth part of the people of the American States are regarded as property; and as articles of commerce, are bought and sold like dumb beasts, and are deprived of every right and privilege which Heaven in mercy designed for the children of men, can have any desire from other than interested motives to suppress the African slave trade? It is not known that an individual member of the Colonization Society has ever

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10

Census of the United States.-Why and Because.

emancipated a single slave to go to the colo- | therefore there can be no slave there now. The slaves ny, although it is somewhat extraordinary that reported in Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan, are held they have not done so for the sake of appear-contrary to the laws of the United States, and are

ances.

My object, in making this communication, is, to obtain from thy hand a statement of thy views of the colonization scheme, not as presented by interested agents, but as exhibited in the authentic publications of the Society. I would particularly refer to the two last Reports of the Society, and to an article published in the North American Review for July, 1832-a copy of which I send with this letter to our dear friend James Cropper.

With the best wishes for the continuance of thy useful life, accompanied with the blessing of health, and that happiness which is the reward of a life devoted to the cause of justice and humanity, I have the pleasure to subscribe myself, thy friend, and I hope a humble coadjutor in the cause of emancipation.

ARNOLD BUFFUM.

therefore free.

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CENSUS OF THE COLORED POPULA-
TION OF THE U. S.

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SLAVES. FREE BLACKS.

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of 100 and upwards,

234-5,167,299

New-Hampshire,

602

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Maine,

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Males-under 10 years of age,

353,845

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of

10 and under 24,

313,676

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of 36

66 55,

118,996

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of 100 and upwards,

718-----1,014,345

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Females under 10 years,

347,566

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of 10 and under 24,

308,793

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36,

186,082

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New-Jersey,

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41,422

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of 100 and upwards,

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Florida Territory,

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Missouri,

25,091

569

years,

48,737

of 10 and under 24,

43,126

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Louisiana,

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of 100 and upwards,

266

-153,495

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Females under 10 years,

47,347

of 10 and under 24,

48,125

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Georgia,

217,531

2,486

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South Carolina,

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of 100 and upwards,

Total number of Free Colored Persons,
Total aggregate of the United States, 12,856,154

WHY AND BECAUSE,

APPLIED TO SOUTHERN SLAVERY.

The following little article is modified from a trans-atlantic publication :

By the census of 1830, 4 slaves are reported in Massachusetts, 5 in New Hampshire, 6 in Maine, 6 in Ohio, and 76 in New York. But as no slaves were reported in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Maine, and Ohio, by the census of 1820, and it admitted on all hands that slavery cannot legally exist in any one of these states, we have thought it would be a misrepresentation to report any slaves as existing Why is the condition of the Black populain them. In New-York it is well known that sla- tion at the South so much brought under the very was totally abolished since the census of 1820, | view of the public at this time?

361

-165,962

319,467

Plain Questions to Plain Men.-Letter to George Washington.

Because this Black population, 2,000,000 in number, are equal in the eye of the Creator, and in the eye of the law, with the White population of our country.

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Can a slave attend either public or private worship, without the risk of punishment, if his master forbids him? If so, quote the law.

These are plain questions, which every slave-owner knows can only be truly answer

Why is the condition of the Black population in the south worse than that of the labor-ed in one way. ing population in Europe?

Because the Black is a slave.
The White is a freeman.

The Black works without pay, and is often worked most when he is worst provided for. The more the White is worked, the more he is paid.

The Black is driven at his work with the cart-whip.

The White can rest his limbs when he likes.

The Black at crop or harvest time is made to work not only all the day, but half the night also.

The White at harvest time works harder, and gets better paid.

When then any individual gets up to tell you how well the slaves are treated, or how happy under such circumstances slaves may be, tell him that he insults your understanding, that he outrages your republican feeling, and that he dishonors God.

A HUSBAND AND A FATHER.

EXPOSTULATORY LETTER TO GEO.

WASHINGTON.

'The errors of great men,' says an eloquent writer, are doubly enormous: enormous as they contradict the tenor of their lives-and enormous by the force of example and the

The Black's master may flog him at pleas-species of palliation which they afford to vul

ure, for a fault or no fault.

The White's master dare not raise his hand against him.

The Black may at any time be sold like an

OX or an ass.

The White can sell his master as easily as his master can him.

The Black's child is the absolute property of his master, and may be torn from home for ever to pay his master's debts.

The White man's home can never be in

vaded.

Why are planters void of humanity towards their slaves, while towards White people they shew no want of courtesy ?

Because they consider the Black as a thing, and not as a human being.-He came into their hands by violence and robbery; and being stowed on shipboard as goods, the planter still believes him to be such.

gar criminals, whose vices are unredeemed by one single virtue.'

Unhappily, these errors, owing to a criminal timidity or fear of plain dealing, are too often suffered to pass without rebuke; until they become almost sacred as virtues in the estimation of loose moralists, and so are included among the privileges of human action. He who imitates the prophet Nathan, in his faithful conduct towards the erring David, and tells the great transgressor of his crimes, subjects himself to the charge of impudence, malice, or slander. Nevertheless, 'faithful are the wounds of a friend, but the kisses of an enemy are deceitful.'

The following Letter was written in 1796, by an eminent philanthropist in Liverpool. Although it was silently returned, may we not

A FEW PLAIN QUESTIONS TO hope that its pungent truths (associated, how

PLAIN MEN.

The following pithy questions, although propounded by the British abolitionists to the people of Great Britain, are worthy of consideration by the American people:

Can a slave marry without his owner's consent? If so, quote the law: give chapter and

verse.

Can a slave prevent the sale of his wife if the owner pleases? If so, quote the law.

Can a slave prevent the sale of his own child, if his owner pleases? If so, quote the law.

ever, with the most liberal concessions) sunk too deeply into the heart of the Father of his Country' to be eradicated, and induced him, on his decease three years afterwards, to manumit nearly all his slaves?

In July last, the following Letter was transmitted to the person to whom it was addressed, and a few weeks ago it was returned under cover without a syllable in reply. As children that are crammed with confectionary, have no relish for plain food; so men in power, who are seldom addressed but in the sweet tones of adulation, are apt to be disgusted with the plain and salutary language of truth. To offend was not the intention of the writer; yet the President has evidently been irCan a slave obtain redress if his master de- ritated: this, however, is not a bad symptom prives him of his goods? If so, quote the law.—for irritation, causelessly excited, will fre

Can a slave with impunity refuse to flog his wife, with her person all exposed, if his owner pleases to command him? If so, quote the law.

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quently subside into shame; and to use the language of the moralist, 'Where there is yet shame, there may in time be virtue.' Liverpool, February 20, 1797.

LETTER TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

soul. But it is not to the Commander in Chief of the American forces, nor to the Pres> ident of the United States, that I have aught to address; my business is with George Washington, of Mount Vernon, in Virginia, a man who, notwithstanding his hatred of oppresIt will generally be admitted, Sir, and per- sion and his ardent love of liberty, holds at haps with justice, that the great family of this moment hundreds of his fellow beings in mankind were never more benefitted by the a state of abject bondage. Yes, you, who military abilities of any individual, than by conquered under the banners of freedomthose which you displayed during the memor-you, who are now the first magistrate of a free able American contest. Your country was people, are (strange to relate) a slaveholder. injured, your services were called for, you im- That a Liverpool merchant should endeavor mediately arose, and after performing the most to enrich himself by such a business, is not a conspicuous part in that blood-stained trage-matter of surprise; but that you, an enlightdy, you again became a private citizen, and ened character, strongly enamored of your unambitiously retired to your farm. There own freedom-you, who, if the British forces was more of true greatness in this procedure had succeeded in the Eastern States, would than the modern world, at least, had ever be- have retired, with a few congenial spirits, to held; and while public virtue is venerated by the rude fastnesses of the Western wilderyour countrymen, a conduct so exalted will ness, there to have enjoyed that blessing, withnot be forgotten. The effects which your re-out which a Paradise would be disgusting, and volution will have upon the world are incalcu- with which the most savage region is not withlable. By the flame which you have kindled, out its charms; that you, say, should conevery oppressed nation will be enabled to per- tinue a slaveholder, a proprietor of human ceive its fetters; and when man once knows flesh and blood, creates in many of your Britthat he is enslaved, the business of emancipa-ish friends both astonishment and regret. You tion is half performed. France has already are a republican, an advocate for the dissemburst her shackles, neighboring nations will ination of knowledge, and for universal jusin time prepare, and another half century may tice:where then are the arguments by which behold the present besotted Europe without a this shameless dereliction of principle can be Peer, without a Hierarchy, and without a supported? Your friend Jefferson has endeavDespot. If men were enlightened, revolutions ored to show that the negroes are an inferior would be bloodless; but how are men to be order of beings; but surely you will not have enlightened, when it is the interest of gover-recourse to such a subterfuge. Your slaves, nors to keep the governed in ignorance? To it may be urged, are well treated. That Í enlighten men,' says your old correspondent, deny-man can never be well treated who is Arthur Young, 'is to make them bad subjects.' deprived of his rights. They are well clothHurricanes spread devastation; yet hurricanes ed, well lodged, &c. Feed me with ambroare not only transient, but give salubrity to sia, and wash it down with nectar; yet what the torrid regions, and are quickly followed by are these, if Liberty be wanting? You took azure skies and calm sunshine. Revolutions, up arms in defence of the rights of man. Your too, for a time, may produce turbulence; yet negroes are men:—where then are the rights revolutions clear the political atmosphere, and of your negroes? They have been inured to contribute greatly to the comfort and happi- slavery, and are not fit for freedom. Thus it ness of the human race. What you yourself was said of the French; but where is the have lived to witness in the United States, is man of unbiassed common sense, who will assufficient to elucidate my position. In your sert that the French republicans of the presrides along the banks of your favorite Poto-sent day are not fit for freedom? It has been mac, in your frequent excursions through your said too by your apologists, that your feelings own extensive grounds, how gratifying must are inimical to slavery, that you are induced be your sensations on beholding the animated to acquiesce in it at present, merely from moscenery around you, and how pleasurable must be your feelings, on reflecting that your country is now an asylum for mankind: that her commerce, her agriculture, and her population, are greater than at any former period: and that this prosperity is the natural result of those rights which you defended against an abandoned cabinet, with all that ability which men, who unsheathe the sword in the cause of human nature, will, I trust, ever display. Where Liberty is, there man walks erect, and puts forth all his powers; while Slavery, like a torpedo, benumbs the finest energies of the

tives of policy. The only true policy is justice; and he who regards the consequences of an act, rather than the justice of it, gives no very exalted proof of the greatness of his character. But if your feelings be actually repugnant to slavery, then are you more culpable than the callous-hearted planter, who laughs at what he calls the pitiful whining of the abolitionists, because he believes slavery to be justifiable: while you persevere in a system which your conscience tells you to be wrong. If we call the man obdurate, who cannot perceive the atrociousness of slavery,

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