-

Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a People always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its Virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?

In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded; and that in place of them just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. -The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest.- Antipathy in one Nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.-Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The Nation prompted by ill-will and resentment sometimes impels to War the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the 7 national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; - at other times, it makes the animosity of the Nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives.-The peace often, sometimes perhaps the Liberty, of Nations has been the victim.

So, likewise a passionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification: It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, 10 and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favourite Nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity;-gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.—

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. - How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence," I conjure you to believe me, 12 fellowcitizens, the jealousy of a free people ought to be 13 constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real Patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. —

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign Nations is, 14 in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little Political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements let them be fulfilled with 15 perfect good faith. — Here let us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence therefore it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves,

1

era. "and cultivate peace and harmony with all, for in public as well as in private transactions, I am persuaded that honesty will always be found to be the best policy."

2 sub. permanent, inveterate for "noted."
sub. "an" for "a." 5 era. "begets of course a
sub. "the best" for "its own."

era. "another."

11 int. "I conjure you to."

3 sub. "an" for "a." similar sentiment in that others." 7 int. "national." 10 era. "2dly." 12 sub. "fellow-citizens" for "my friends."

9 era.

1stly."

13 sub. "constantly" for "incessantly."
14 int. "in extending our commercial relations."
circumspection indeed, but with."

15 era.

66

by 1 artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations or collisions of her friendships, or enmities.

4

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one People, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected. — When belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation7; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest guided by 8 justice shall counsel.

Why quit our own to stand upon Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? — foreign ground? - Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interests, humour, or caprice? →

9

'Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances, with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to 10 existing engagements 11(I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is 12 always the best policy).— 13 I repeat it therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectably 14 temporary alliances for extraordinary defensive posture, we may safely trust to emergencies.

-

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all Nations, are recommended by policy, humanity and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand;neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours or preferences;-consulting the natural course of things; - diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but -in order to give trade a stable forcing nothing;-establishing, with Powers so disposed course, to define the rights of our Merchants, and to enable the Government to support them-conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit; but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinterested favours 15 from another, that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favours from Nation to Nation. - 'Tis an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my Countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I - that they dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression, I could wish, will controul the usual current of the passions, or prevent our Nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of Nations. But if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit; some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism, this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated. How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public Records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to You and to the World. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the still subsisting War in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my Plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me:-uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, 16 I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a Neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance and firmness.

1 era. "an."

3 sub. "or" for "in."

era. "neither of two."

2 sub. "ties" for "connection."

4 sub. " upon " for "to observe."

6 int." 'not."

7 era. "to throw our weight into the opposite scale."

8 era. "our."

10 sub. "existing" for "pre-existing."

9 era. "intimate connections."

11 sub. ("I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs," for "for I hold it to be as true in public, as in private transactions."

12 int."always."

13 sub. "I repeat it therefore, let those engagements" for "these must."

14 int. " temporary."

15 sub. "from" for "at."

16 era. (" and from men disagreeing in their impressions of the origin, progress and nature

of that war").

1 The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion 3 to detail. I will only observe, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every Nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of Peace and Amity towards other Nations.

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct, will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. - With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

Though in reviewing the incidents of my Administration, I am unconscious of intentional error-1 am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. 5 Whatever they may be I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after fortyfive years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.7

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good Laws under a free Government, the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers.

United States

19th September

1796

G WASHINGTON.

Toward the close of the first term of Washington, not intending to longer serve as President, he submitted to his friend Madison for elaboration the main features of an address to the American people, that he purposed to present them upon his retirement.

1 The entire paragraph, with two exceptions below noted as 2 and 3, is a substitute for "The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, some of them of a delicate nature, would be improperly the subject of explanation on this occasion. I will barely observe that according to my understanding of the matter, that right so far from being denied by any belligerent Power, has been virtually admitted by all."

The above paragraph is erased from the word conduct- and this sentence interlined, "would be improperly the subject of particular discussion on this occasion. I will barely observe that to me they appear to be warranted by well-established principles of the Laws of Nations as applicable to the nature of our alliance with France in connection with the circumstances of the War, and the relative situation of the contending Parties."

A piece of paper subsequently wafered over both sentences, and on the paper is the text as is shown in the Address. On the margin is noted, "This is the first draft, and it is questionable which of the two is to be preferred."

2 sub. "it is not necessary" for "some of them of a delicate nature would be improperly the subject of explanation.'

3 int. "to detail."

יי.

int. "may."

5 sub. "Whatever they may be I" for "I deprecate the evils to which they may tend,

and.'

sub. "the evils to which they may tend" for "them."

7 era. "May I without the charge of ostentation add, that neither ambition nor interest has been the impelling cause of my actions-that I have never designedly mis-used any power confided to me nor hesitated to use one, where I thought it could redound to your benefit? May I without the appearance of affectation say, that the fortune with which I came into office is not bettered otherwise than by the improvement in the value of property which the quick progress and uncommon prosperity of our country have produced? May I still further add without breach of delicacy, that I shall retire without cause for a blush, with no sentiments alien to the force of these vows for the happiness of his country so natural to a citizen who sees in it the native soil of his progenitors and himself for four generations?

On the margin of this page is noted: "This paragraph may have the appearance of selfdistrust and mere vanity."

There is also written on the margin of the paragraph inserted in the Address: "Continuation of the paragraph preceding the last ending with the word 'rest.'"'

8 sub. "several" for "four."

Being prevailed upon to accept a second term, the necessity of the address was interrupted. Near the close of his eight years in office, and determined to retire upon its expiration, he on May 15, 1796, submitted the original address to his confidential friend, Alexander Hamilton, for suggestions. Hamilton returned the original to Washington, having made a copy, which he recast, after several conferences with John Jay; the redressed copy was later despatched to Washington, who completed the address as presented in the text.

Sparks, in his "Life of Washington," referring to the farewell address, remarks: "He had no pride in authorship; his object always was to effect the purpose in hand, and for that he occasionally invoked assistance to ensure a plain and clear exposition of his thoughts and intentions."

The address was published to the people, September 19, 1796; nearly six months before his term of office expired, and nearly two months prior to election day, a formal notice to all parties of his determination to retire.

The original address as published is in the possession of the New York Public Library (Astor, Lenox, and Tilden foundations), having been purchased by Mr. James Lenox (the founder of the Lenox Library) for $2000 at an auction sale in Philadelphia by the administrators of the estate of Mr. David C. Claypoole, proprietor and editor of the Daily Advertiser, in which Philadelphia paper it was published September 19, 1796.

The address is preserved in a dark leather framed case, under lock and key, through the bevelled glass front of which the valuable document is exposed so as to show uppermost the opening and closing pages; the latter or left-hand sheet — page 32 — exhibiting date and the signature reading :

United States

19th September (1796

Go Washington

The entire address is in the handwriting of Washington, rather sparsely written upon thirty-two pages of quarto letter paper, sewed together as a book (each sheet is nine inches long by seven inches wide), the centre edge carrying three perforations through which is inserted pale blue ribbon with the ends tied in a knot. Each letter sheet carries on its upper righthand corner the page number in a pen-marked circle; on the lower corner dropped below the line appears the commencing word of the next page, or sheet.

There are many alterations, erasures of paragraphs, lines struck out and interlinings. The tenth, eleventh, and sixteenth pages are almost expunged, save only a few lines; one-half of the thirty-first page is all effaced.

The written address is composed of 1086 lines and 174 erased lines.

Mr. Claypoole was consulted by Washington relative to its publication, and immediately accepted; after proofs were presented to Washington, revised, and returned, Mr. Claypoole in handing back the manuscript asked if he could retain it, which request was granted; thus Mr. Claypoole became the owner of the national relic. It always remained in his possession until the purchase by Mr. Lenox.

A tracing of the autograph of Washington, from the last page of the original manuscript of his "Farewell Address." 1

WHEREAS, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the following, to wit:

"That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom."

That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith, represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States."

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day first above-mentioned, order and designate, as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit: Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, (except the parishes of St. Bernard, Placquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, Ste. Marie. St. Martin and Orleans, including the City of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina and Virginia (except the forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York. Princess Anne and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which excepted parts are, for the present, left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued.

1 By courtesy of Mr. Victor H. Paltsits, Assistant Librarian, Lenox Library, New York.