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Prizes shall be in all respects subject to the same rules as vessels of war of the belligerents.

4. No belligerent shall embark or disembark troops, munitions of war or warlike materials in the canal except in case of accidental hindrance of the transit, and in such case the transit shall be resumed with all possible dispatch.

5. The provisions of this article shall apply to waters adjacent to the canal, within three marine miles of either end. Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not remain in such waters longer than twenty-four hours at any one time, except in case of distress, and in such case shall depart as soon as possible; but a vessel of war of one belligerent shall not depart within twenty-four hours from the departure of a vessel of war of the other belligerent.

6. The plant, establishments, buildings, and all works necessary to the construction, maintenance and operation of the canal shall be deemed to be part thereof, for the purposes of this convention, and in time of war as in time of peace shall enjoy complete immunity from attack or injury by belligerents and from acts calculated to impair their usefulness as part of the canal.

7. No fortifications shall be erected commanding the canal or the waters adjacent. The United States, however, shall be at liberty to maintain such military police along the canal as may be necessary to protect it against lawlessness and disorder.

ARTICLE III.

The High Contracting Parties will, immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of this convention, bring it to the notice of the other powers and invite them to adhere to it.

ARTICLE IV.

The present convention shall be ratified by the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and by her Britannic Majesty; and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington or at London within six months from the date hereof, or earlier if possible.

In faith whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed this convention and thereunto affixed their seals.

Done in duplicate at Washington, the fifth day of February, in the year of Our Lord one thousand nine hundred.

JOHN HAY.
PAUNCEFOTE.

The Senate may amend that treaty. There is an amendment, proposed by Senator Davis of Minnesota, pending, which is as follows:

"Insert at the end of Section 5 of which two the following: 'It is agreed, however, that none of the immediately foregoing conditions and stipulations in Sections 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5 of this act shall apply to measures which the United States may find it necessary to take for securing by its own forces the defense of the United States and the maintenance of public order.'" A majority of the Committee on Foreign Relations favor this amendment, and believe that so amended the new treaty will be a happy escape from the restrictions of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty and the certain first step in the ownership of an isthmian canal by the Govern ment of the United States. It will also provide for the use of that canal in the defense of this country.

There is a peaceful and practical way of accomplishing results as well as a belligerent and impractical way. The United States is now at peace with all nations of the world. It is seeking to maintain these peaceful relations and follow the destinies of the Republic without provoking an unnecessary conflict with any other nation. The duty of the President is to settle all foreign questions by diplomacy if possible. In this case the State Department succeeded in securing the modification of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, which was desired and necessary to carrying out the new American policy of an American canal built by this Government and controlled by it. It is another achievement of the administration without bombast or belligerency. Congress did not know it was contemplated until it was accomplished, but the administration act fitted into the plans of Congress to legislate for a government canal. The treaty came as a surprise, but it furnished the bridge over which Congress could pass without breaking the faith of this Government by violating a treaty with a friendly power. It was one of those happy achievements of diplomacy which made possible what the most ardent tail-twisters in Congress were demanding because it seemed impossible. Whatever credit is due Congress for taking advance ground on canal legislation, to the McKinley administration is due the credit

for placing the proposed legislation above the suspicion of a violation of a treaty obligation-the highest law of the land. The possibilities of an isthmian canal have been exploited for many years. It will unite the Atlantic and Pacific coasts for commerce and for national defense. It will facilitate the exchanges of the products of the East and the West, and also the commerce with South America. It will furnish the open channel for a direct circumnavigation of the globe on one parallel and from Porto Rico on the East to Hawaii and the Philippines to the West the sea will be under the protection of the United States flag.

CHAPTER IX.

EXPANSION NOT IMPERIALISM-AN AMERICAN POLICY,
NOT PARTISAN

The expansion policy of the United States is almost as old as the Government. It began with the beginning of the century just closing. The people and their representatives in Congress and in the Executive office began to look across the Mississippi river with longing eyes when Washington was President. The mouth of the Mississippi river was controlled by Spain. Our commerce from the South and West on that great waterway could only reach the international waters of the ocean and the Gulf by passing through a foreign gateway. The statesmen of that time clearly saw that this Government must secure that gateway to insure independence for the commerce of the country that had been won for the conscience and political rights of the people. They set about finding a way to secure this gateway. The people of the West claimed that "The Mississippi is ours by the law of nature," and in their remonstrance against the existence of that foreign gateway declared: "If Congress refuses us effectual protection, if it forsakes us, we will adopt the measures which our safety requires, even if they endanger the peace of the Union and our connection with the other States. No protection, no allegiance." The people of the older States on the Atlantic coast caught up the cry of their relatives and fellow-citizens in the West and emphasized the demand on Congress and on the President for relief by regulation, and if that failed by war.

President Jefferson saw the growing discontent and endeavored to quiet it by assurances of action. He transmitted to Congress December 22, 1802, a message in which he said that he was aware of the obligation to maintain in all cases the rights of the Nation and to employ for that purpose those great and honorable means which belong to the character of the United States. In reply the House of Representatives reminded the President that they held it to be their duty "to express their unalterable determination to maintain the boundaries and the rights of navigation and commerce through the river Mississippi as established by existing treaties."

President Jefferson began negotiations with Spain which failed. Spain then retroceded the Louisiana Territory to France and Napoleon offered to cede it to the United States. This was done in 1803, and the United States expansion policy began. It has continued from that time to this, all parties and all administrations being forced to follow the demands of the people for better trade opportunities. It has never meant imperialism, though the few opponents of each act of expansion raised the cry of imperialism, just as the Democratic leaders are raising it now.

The original thirteen States held title to little more than one-fourth of the present extent of territory within the United States. The other three-fourths were the result of expansion, and this expansion was by the old Democratic party of Jefferson and Monroe and Jackson. It was by conquest and purchase and discovery. It was without the consent of the governed. In some instances it was charged that it had imperialism as its inspiration to make more powerful the old slave power of the South. That party led by Jefferson and Monroe reached out after Cuba, the Danish West Indies, Yucatan and the Hawaiian Islands. Whatever the inspiration for this expansion it was by the greatest statesmen the country has produced, and it has become the seat of the most democratic empire the world has ever known and the home of the purest democracy in the union of States.

The Republican party is now following this old Democratic policy, the policy of Jefferson when he secured the Louisiana Territory. The only difference is that the policy was forced upon the Republican party as the result of a war for humanity. Hawaii came asking admission to the Union, and Congress voted almost unanimously and without party division to annex the islands. During the war with Spain the people of Porto Rico met the U. S. soldiers with flowers and fruits and enthusiastic speeches of welcome and asked for American flags. They desired to throw off the yoke of Spain and become a part of the United States. The Philippines were taken from Spain as indemnity for the war. Admiral Dewey, a Democrat, sailed into Manila Bay to carry out his orders to find and capture or destroy the Spanish fleet. He destroyed it, winning the most remarkable naval victory of modern times. He remained after the battle in possession of the bay, and the army followed to take Manila from the Spaniards. Spain surrendered the islands to the United States as indemnity for the war and transferred the sovereignty of the archipelago which the world had acknowledged hers for four hundred years.

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