will give them self government." This consistent expression of the imperialistic policy is a far cry from the words of the first and greatest of Republican Presidents, Abraham Lincoln, who, in a speech at Chicago on July 10, 1858, had this to say on a very similar subject:

"The arguments that are made that the inferior race are to be treated with as much allowance as they are capable of enjoying; that as much is to be done for them as their condition will allow-what are these arguments? They are the arguments that kings have made for the enslaving of the people in all ages of the world. You will find that all the arguments of kingcraft were always of this class; they always bestrode the necks of the people; not that they wanted to do it, but because the people were better off for being ridden. Turn it any way you will, whether it come from the mouth of a king as an excuse for enslaving the people of his country, or from the mouth of men of one race, it is all the same serpent."

"We are to bestow' the blessings of a good, a stable government upon them!" says the Rev. Herbert Bigelow, speaking of the McKinley policy. "Sir, we have been reared in the political faith that governments are derived and not bestowed. Tell the coolies of China; tell the fellaheen of Egypt, tell the pariahs of India that governments are bestowed upon them. But tell the president of the United States upon whom we have bestowed some limited power for a brief season, that such language is offensive to the American ear."

Great Britain is the trusted ally of the McKinley administration, a silent partner in all its imperialistic schemes, the model upon which its policy is formed. Secretary Hay has repeatedly denied that such an alliance exists. His denials are doubtless true as to a former treaty, for no such compact could be made without the assent of the Senate and notice to the people. But a mutual regard and admiration subsists between the imperialists of England and their servile friends and imitators at Washington. This has been revealed at every development of the McKinley policy. Our government may be sure of the cordial approval of England, or of any other monarchy, in all acts tending to the overthrow of democracy at home or abroad. The kings of Europe look with pleasure upon the spectacle of American armies in the Philippines repressing every attempt of the native population for self government, and using the form of a "benevolent protectorate" to exploit the Cubans,

or to exclude the trusting Porto Ricans from even the semblance of American citizenship.

We are told that this government is under no pledge or promise to set up the republican form in these islands, or to admit the West Indians to American citizenship. The assertion is false. Even if there were no such express promise but there is the traditions of this government, the spirit of its institutions, is a standing pledge to all humanity that in every struggle of the oppressed, every revolt against tyranny we, as Americans, shall be on the side of the people, not of the tyrant. On this subject, who so eloquent as John Hay in the days before he became inoculated with the poison of imperialism, while he was not yet a diplomat, but still a poet and a friend of the people? Here are his words:

"For all in vain will timorous ones assay

To set the metes and bounds of Liberty.
For Freedom is its own eternal law.

It makes its own conditions and in storm
Or calm alike fulfils the unerring will.

For always in thine eyes, O Liberty!

Shines that high light whereby the world is saved;
And, though thou slay us, we will trust in thee!"

CHAPTER V.

A RECORD OF INFAMY

It is interesting to place side by side the words now employed by Presi dent McKinley and his apologists in justification of his Philippine policy, with the famous words of King George III, of England, in his proclamation of 1776.

"That Congress will provide for them (the Filipinos) a government which will bring them blessings, which will promote their material interests, as well as advance their people in the paths of civilization and intelligence, I confidently believe," said Mr. McKinley in a speech at Minneapolis, Oct. 12, 1899.

"I am desirous," wrote the English monarch, "of restoring to them (American colonists) the blessings of law, which they have fatally and desperately exchanged for the calamities of war, and the arbitrary tyranny of their chiefs."

Contrast also the President's pious (or impious) assumption of divine guidance in his imperialistic policy, with the records of the War Department at the beginning of the war. "The Philippines," said Major McKinley in a speech at Boston, Feb. 16, 1899, "like Cuba and Porto Rico, were entrusted to our hands by the Providence of God."

And again at Redfield, S. D., Oct. 14, 1899, "In the providence of God, who works in mysterious ways, this great archipelago was put into our lap."

"Secret and confidential.

*

*

*

But here are the instructions sent to Admiral (then Rear Admiral) Dewey by Theodore Roosevelt, assistant Secretary of the Navy, Feb. 25, 1898: Keep full of coal. In the event of declaration of war with Spain, your duty will be to see that the Spanish squadron does not leave the Asiatic coast, and then offensive operations in Philippine Islands."

"There is every reason to believe," cabled Dewey from Hong Kong on March 31 following, "that, with Manila taken or even blockaded, the rest of the islands would fall to the insurgents or ourselves."

Equally interesting and even more important is the much debated question of our relations to Aguinaldo and his associates at the beginning

of the war and the obligations assumed on behalf of this government by our representatives. Here again the official records are conclusive. They show the existence of a clear and friendly understanding which has since been grossly violated under pretext of honorable warfare. following extracts from Sea. Doc. 62 are in point:

The

"Aguinaldo, insurgent leader, here, will come Hong Kong arrange with Commodore for general co-operation insurgents Manila if desired." U. S. Consul-General Pratt, Singapore, to Commodore Dewey, Hong Kong, April 24, 1898. Senate Doc. 62, p. 342.

"Tell Aguinaldo to come soon as possible.'

Commodore Dewey to Consul-General Pratt, April 24, 1898. Id. p. 342.

"General Aguinaldo gone my instance Hong Kong arrange with Dewey co-operation insurgents Manila."

Consul-General Pratt, to Secy. Day, April 27, 1898. Id.

p. 341.

"Large supply of rifles should be taken for insurgent allies." Consul Wildman, Hong Kong, May 19, 1898, to Secretary Day. Senate Doc. 62, p. 336.

"I have given him (Aguinaldo) to understand that I consider the insurgents as friends, being opposed to a common enemy. He has gone to attend a meeting of insurgent leaders for the purpose of forming a civil government. Aguinaldo has acted independently of the squadron, but has kept me advised of his progress, which has been wonderful. I have allowed to pass by water, recruits, arms and ammunition, and to take such Spanish arms and ammunition from the arsenal as he needed. Have advised frequently to conduct the war humanely, which he has done invariably."

Rear-Admiral Dewey to Secretary Long, June 27, 1898. Appendix Bureau Navigation Report, p. 103.

"General:

*

I desire to have the most amicable relations with you, and to have you and your people co-operate with us in military operations against the Spanish forces.”

Genl. Thomas M. Anderson to Aguinaldo, July 4, 1898. Senate Doc. 62, p. 390.

"General: The bearer, Maj. J. F. Bell, U. S. A., was sent by Maj. Gen. Wesley Merritt, U. S. A., to collect for him, by the time of his arrival, certain information concerning the topography of the country surrounding Manila. I would be obliged if you would permit him to see your maps and place at his disposal any information you may have on the above subjects, and also give him a letter or pass addressed to your subordinates which will authorize them to furnish him any information they can on these subjects, and to facilitate his passage along the lines upon a reconnaissance around Manila."

Genl. Thomas M. Anderson to Aguinaldo, July 19, 1898. Senate Doc. 62, p. 393.

"I came from Hong Kong to prevent my countrymen from making common cause with the Spanish against the North Americans." Aguinaldo to Gen. Thomas M. Anderson, July 24, 1898. Senate Doc. 62, p. 394.

"General: When I came here three weeks ago I requested your excellency to give what assistance you could to procure means of transportation for the American Army, as it was to fight in the cause of your people. So far we have received no response. As you represent your people, I now have the honor to make requisition on you for 500 horses and 50 oxen and ox carts."

Gen. Anderson to Aguinaldo, July 23, 1898. Senate Doc. 62, p. 394.

"General: Replying to your letter of yesterday, I have the honor to manifest to your excellency that I am surprised beyond measure at that which you say to me in it, lamenting the non-receipt of any response relative to the needs (or aids) that you asked of me in the way of horses, buffaloes, and carts, because I replied in a precise manner, through the bearer, that I was disposed to give convenient orders whenever you advised me the number of these with due anticipation (notice).

*

"I have circulated orders in the provinces in the proximity that in the shortest time possible horses be brought for sale. * I have also ordered to be placed at my disposal 50 carts that I shall place at your disposition."

Aguinaldo to Gen. Thomas M. Anderson, July 24, 1898. Senate Doc. 62, p. 395.