evitably raise, if the public is to understand them and provide the necessary support in the long future.

Above all, we should have learned that the universities, the other scholarly organizations involved, and the government should work together to create a new kind of organization of public and private institutions, including the foundations, to coordinate the work involved. Our resources for exchange programs with Communist countries are too scarce to allow us to continue in a kind of free-for-all, highly competitive, and dangerous basis. Ideally, this "American Council" should be a semi-public organization, with the Board of Directors composed of private citizens nominated by the President and approved by the Senate, and with funds contributed in part by the federal government and in part by private organizations, such as foundations, universities, business and labor groups, and organizations especially interested in the arts and sciences. It should possess full authority for all cultural exchange programs with all countries ruled by Communists, and it should speak for the universities and other cultural organizations in its dealings with the Department of State and with foreign governments.

If it should prove impossible to establish such an organization-and recent unsuccessful efforts have identified a number of complicationsthe organizations involved in and responsible for such exchange programs should at least form a loose federal organization to pool information, to consult concerning plans and programs, and to coordinate activities. After they have learned to cooperate and to work together, they should consider combining their operations and then coordinating American programs with those of other countries in an open way so as to persuade the Soviet Union that no conspiracy was being directed against it.

Such an organization and such a program should reduce the invisible costs which academic exchanges involve, eliminate some of the friction and tension among American organizations, and reflect the pluralistic approach which Americans traditionally adopt. At the same time, they should guarantee the necessary political sensitivity. Such an organization should also serve as a shock absorber, on one side for the universities, and on the other side for the federal government, reducing the pressures to which both are now subject.

The long term goal of everyone involved in academic exchanges with the Soviet Union and with other Communist countries should remain, of course, the free movement of people and materials. In fact, the new coordinating organization should be established with the expressed hope and goal that it wither away when free movement becomes possible.

China has isolated itself, and has in general been isolated from, the rest of the world for the twenty years during which Communists have had control over that enormous country. This isolation will end one day, with new problems and new opportunities for the Chinese and for the rest of the world. Clearly, American scholars and American government officials should begin to plan now for that day, benefiting from the experiences provided by our exchanges with the Soviet Union. In particular, we should recognize that the first steps will be decisive, as they have been in our arrangements with the Soviet Union, because they will establish the structure, principles, and procedures which Communist rulers will be most reluctant to change.

We should, therefore, seek to ensure that all institutions and all fields of study be open to scholars of both countries, and that the entire area of both countries should be freely accessible. We should seek equity, not reciprocity. We should insist upon, or at least always retain the opportunity for, arrangements for exchanges of all kinds, short and long-term, of specialists and of teachers, of senior scholars and of graduate students. We should guarantee that scholars from both countries receive appropriate status and recognition, possess the right for study-related travel, and have the same access to research materials in libraries and laboratories as do natives. Finally, we should ensure that the academic exchanges not be restricted to men and women; the free flow of published materials between the two countries should be an integral part of the agreement.

The nature of the world in which the Americans, the Chinese, and the Russians live suggests that relations among these states and their peoples will remain delicate and hazardous. We shall no doubt remain locked in a shrinking world, suspicious of and hostile towards each other, unable on one hand to conquer or overthrow the other but equally unable to disengage and flee into some kind of armed security. Cultural relations in this situation will remain of considerable importance, but can never be decisive. In such a position, we in the United States should maintain our economic, political, and spiritual vitality and our military strength, cooperate with other peoples who share our general goals and who are committed to peaceful progress, and continue to demonstrate that we are as resolute as in 1776 or in 1942 to defend our interests. At the same time, we should try further to define and understand the nature of the political and economic systems with which we are engaged, to persuade them of our goals and of the kind of world we seek, and to make effective use of cultural exchange, of trade, and of other peaceful instruments to bring these goals within reach.

The situation we face is very much like the Eastern Question, devilishly complicated, deeply rooted in the past, involving numbers of peoples, and beyond easy or quick solution. Intellect and strength, grace and perseverance will both be required and expected of us. Scholarly exchanges in these circumstances provide us an opportunity to use some of our enduring strengths to assist our rivals and ourselves together to make a step towards peace.

О

1st Session

SUBCOMMITTEE ON NATIONAL SECURITY AND INTERNATIONAL OPERATIONS

(Pursuant to S. Res. 24, 91st Cong.)

OF THE

COMMITTEE ON GOVERNMENT OPERATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE

Printed for the use of the Committee on Government Operations

26-365

U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

WASHINGTON: 1969

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C. 20402 - Price 45 cents