not needlessly to offend any one. To a candid examination of the views expressed by the advocates of slavery, no one can reasonably object; and if I have been enabled to evince the spirit in this argument which I have desired to do, no one will have just occasion to be offended with the manner in which this discussion has been conducted. If I have betrayed any other than a kind spirit, and have used any other than kind words, it has been contrary to my design.

I anticipate that in some of the views expressed in this work, I shall be found to differ from not a few of my friends; but it is one of the conditions of our friendship that each one is at liberty to express his opinions with entire freedom. I expect to be found to differ from not a few of the wise and good of the land ;-but it would be impossible to discuss any subject on morals in respect to which this would not be the case-and the truly wise and good are accustomed to expect that this may occur. All such will admit that the points discussed in this work are of great importance to the best interests of humanity to me it would be a matter of high gratification if the discussion in these pages should be found to be such as to contribute something towards promoting uniformity of views and feelings on one of the most momentous questions which this age is called to investigate, and which enters more deeply into the permanent welfare of our country than any other.

2*

AN INQUIRY

INTO THE

SCRIPTURAL VIEWS OF SLAVERY.

CHAPTER I.

Reasons why the appeal on this subject should be made to the Bible.

THERE are perhaps no questions of more importance to our country than those which pertain to the subject of slavery. The fact that after the existence of more than half a century of freedom in this land, there should be in the midst of us now a number nearly equal in the aggregate to the white population at the time of the Declaration of Independence, is of itself most remarkable in history; and is so anomalous, and so at variance with all our principles, that posterity will inquire for the reasons of such an occurrence. This number, already so large, is increasing in certain parts of our country in a ratio fearfully alarming, and the effects of the system are felt, and must be felt, in every portion of the Republic. There is nothing connected with our national interests which is not affected more or less by slavery. It enters into the representation in our national legislature; it is connected with great questions of industry, literature, agriculture, commerce, and morals; it is intimately allied with religion. The entire South is identified with it; and by the ramifications of business, of education, of commerce, and of manufactures, there is not a town, a school-district, or a parish in the North, which is not

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directly or remotely affected by it. As a part of a great nation-one great confederated people-we of the North have the deepest interest in all the questions that pertain to the weal or wo, the perils or the faults of any part of our country -for we share the common honour or the dishonour of the Republic. Belonging to the same race with those who are held in bondage, we have a right, nay, we are bound to express the sympathies of brotherhood, and to "remember those who are in bonds, as bound with them." But there is a deeper interest still which we have in this subject; a more perfect right which we have to express our views in regard to it. The questions of morals and religion-of right and wrong, know no geographical limits; are bounded by no conventional lines; are circumscribed by the windings of no river or stream, and are not designated by climate or by the course of the sun. They are questions which no existing compacts or constitutions forbid us to examine; and though there are rights which one part of a country has which are not to be invaded by others, yet there are no enclosures within which the questions of right and wrong may not be carried with the utmost freedom.

At the same time, this subject should be approached with calmness and candour. There is no one thing pertaining to the welfare of our common country, which is beset with so many difficulties, and which is so much fitted to make men of all classes feel their need of the "wisdom which is from above." Hitherto, all "the wisdom of the wise" has been confounded in regard to it, and if there is any question that is fitted to bring the whole intellect of this nation-including that of judges, senators, counsellors, and the ministers of religion, at the feet of Infinite wisdom, it is the question respecting African slavery. How is the evil to be arrested? How is that unhappy people among us to be restored to freedom, and elevated to the dignity and the privileges of men? How is a foreign race with so different a complexion, and in reference to which so deep-seated prejudices and aversions exist in every part of the land, to be disposed of if they become

free? These, and kindred inquiries, have hitherto baffled all our wisdom. It may do something towards answering them, if we can settle the grand preliminary question whether slavery is right or wrong; an evil per se, or only an evil incidentally and by abuse; a good institution which God designs to be perpetuated, or an institution which he regards as evil, and which he designs that the principles of his religion and his own Providential dealings shall ultimately destroy.

In the examination of this subject, on which I propose now to enter, the appeal will be made wholly to the Bible, for the following reasons:

1. The Bible is the acknowledged standard of morals in this nation. To an extent wholly unknown in other lands, it is allowed here to settle all questions of right and wrong, and its decisions, when clearly ascertained, are conceded to be final. It is not indeed directly made the basis of legislation, and it cannot be denied that there are departures from its principles in many practical views which prevail, yet still it maintains an ascendency on all questions of morals which no other book can acquire, and which, by the mass of this nation, will be conceded to no other authority whatever. There are few writers on morals, and probably none of reputation, who would undertake to defend a position that was plainly against the teachings of the Bible. It may be safely affirmed that there is not a legislative body that would take the ground of openly legislating against the Bible; there is not a judge on any bench who would pronounce a decision that would be clearly contrary to a principle laid down in the Sacred Scriptures; there is not a department of government that would not admit that if the Bible has settled a question, it is final. It is to be regarded as an elementary principle in the questions which come before the public mind in this nation, that on subjects in relation to which there are clear principles in that book, the intellect, and the heart, and the laws of this great people will bow reverently before that high authority. It is proper therefore to bring this question before this admit