remained in undisputed control until questions of internal policy and the permanent preservation of the new-born Nation began to beget differences of opinion, and led men to array themselves along new lines of party division.

In this critical period of American history-critical because no man was so filled with the spirit of prophecy that he could forecast the evolution of a strong and united government, or of a loose Confederacy of states held together by ties that caprice or the advantage of the moment might at any season sunder-the majority of men saw the necessity of a central government; but there was a wide diversity of opinion as to where its powers should commence and end. Many believed that the state should be supreme in all things, and that the general government should not be empowered to coerce it or compel it to remain in the government against its will. And to this class the name, politically, of Particularists was applied, while to those who saw the danger of this weak method and believed in a union in fact as in name, the appellation of Strong Government Whigs was given. It was by the efforts of this faction that steps were taken to replace the insecure Confederacy by a more compact form of government, and that the convention which met in Philadelphia in May, 1787, for the purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation, went beyond its designated task and prepared a constitution for submission to the various states. When that instrument was submitted to congress and the legislatures, the Strong Government Whigs, led by Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, used their most earnest endeavors for its ratification; and as a result of their emphatic support of the Federal plan, the old political appellation was gradually replaced by that of Federal, while those who stood in opposition were no longer Particularists, but Anti-Federal. The Federals were in the advantage as to numbers, success and the argument. "They showed the deplorable condition of the country, and their opponents had to bear the burdens of denial at a time when nearly all public and private obligations were dishonored; when labor was poorly paid, workmen getting but twenty-five cents a day, with little to do at that; when even the rich in lands were poor in purse, and when commerce on the scas was checked by the coldness of foreign nations and restricted by the action of the states themselves; when manufacturers were without protection of any kind, and when the people thought their struggle for freedom was about to end in National poverty.' These facts led to the change so cloquently urged by Hamilton and Jay, and as ably op American Politics.' Book I., page 5.

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posed by Henry and Samuel Adams. And nine states gave the needed ratification, and set our Union upon the broad and firm foundation upon which it stands today. After this event was accomplished, a new term came into use to define the political opinions of the day. The Federalist became a "Broad Constructionist," because he favored a liberal construction of the powers and authority of the new government, while the Anti-Federalist became a "Close Constructionist," from his desire that the central government should exercise the minimum of power under the great National charter, and be restricted to such rights as were conceded willingly by all the states. But party animosity was stilled and party strife hushed upon an occasion that in these days calls forth the most intense feeling and loudest contention. The first President of the United States went into office by general consent—the representative of no faction, the choice of no convention, and the leader of no party. Himself a Federalist, he selected his cabinet from both parties and made his administration something above and beyond faction, applauded by all in the early years of his incumbency, and acting always for the good of all.

With the adoption of the Constitution and the successful operation of the government thereunder, there was no ground for the AntiFederals to stand upon as such, and their position was shifted as their name was changed. The censure of the Constitution became a criticism of those who were in control in the Federal party, while the charges that had been made against it were changed into attacks upon the supposed monarchial tendencies of the Federal leaders. Under the suggestion of Mr. Jefferson, the name Anti-Federal became Republican. It was at first proposed by the leaders of the last named party that the term Democratic-Republican should be employed, which idea was for the time abandoned. While the Republicans were free in their charges of monarchial tendencies and aristocratic schemes upon their opponents, the latter were by no means quiet, but affected to see in the liberal demands of their foes only another phase of that mob rule which at that time held such high carnival in France and was deluging the streets of Paris with blood. The term Democrat was applied as an opprobrious title as describing this desire for excess against the law and mob rule-but it was not long before the appellaticn was willingly accepted and made that of one of the great parties that afterwards found a conspicuous place in the history of our people. By the end of 1793 the lines between the two parties were plainly drawn. Washington stood aloof from and above the party discussions, while the two chief men of his cabinet-Jefferson and

Hamilton, the two great leaders of the contending sides—were at variance upon many important questions of the day. Despite his very evident desire to retire to private life, in obedience to the open wish of the people Washington consented to serve a second term, and was unanimously reëlected. John Adams was reëlected vice-president, receiving 77 votes to 50 cast for George Clinton, the Republican candidate.

The chief question of National policy then under discussion was one touching the foreign relations of the infant state. The Republic of France had appealed to that of America for aid in her conflict with Great Britain, and sent an envoy across the seas to make effective that sympathy which Americans could not but feel for another people which had razed the Bastile to the ground, had made La Fayette one of its chosen leaders, sent its king to punishment for the many crimes of his race, and blazoned a new cry for liberty across the face of the age. The Republicans of America, led by Jefferson, gave not only of their sympathy, but stood ready to pledge the two republics in a brotherhood that should make common war on' kings; while the Federalists, under the lead of Washington and Hamilton, opposed intervention in any form and demanded that the new made peace with England should be kept. With a wisdom that has had much to do with the world's estimate of his character, and a promptness of action that showed the highest statesmanship in dealing with practical affairs, Washington made use of the advantage of his official power, and issued that celebrated proclamation of neutrality that has been made the basis of our foreign policy from that day to this. Genet, the French representative, made himself so obnoxious by his clamor and demands that Washington was compelled to demand his recall, and when he was supplanted by another, he remained upon American soil and formed a number of societies that advocated all he asked and arrayed themselves in opposition to the policy of the government. They were short-lived, and passed out of existence with the episode that called them into being. But out of this and other questions party spirit ran aflame with new vigor and venom, and even Washington's honorable service and fame did not save him from the censure and attack of his political opponents-"his wisdom as President, his patriotism, and indeed his character as a man were all hotly questioned by political enemies; he was even charged with corruption in expending more of the public moneys than had been appropriated-charges which were soon shown to be groundless."

In this condition of the public mind, and under these circumstances, the third Presidential election became the chief National issue, and the first political contest for that high office was inaugurated. Washington declined the third term that might have been his had he spoken the word, and departed into private life with the delivery of an address that has been a beacon light in many times of National distress, and a word of warning and advice in seasons of doubt and uncertainty. The reception accorded it by the people became an unintended aid to the Federal party, which stood upon a declaration of principles nearly allied to the sentiments it had announced, and its leaders prepared to take all possible advantage of its timely aid. The convention and modern methods of party selection had not yet been adopted, and in this case the chief candidates upon each side stood forth as a matter of common consent-John Adams of Massachusetts upon part of the Federalists, and Thomas Jefferson upon that of the Republicans. The former received seventy-one votes to sixty-eight cast for the latter; and as the law then demanded that the one receiving the largest number of votes in the Electoral College should become President, and the one the next largest number vicepresident, Adams was declared President and Jefferson vice-president, and entered upon the discharge of their duties on March 4, 1797. As illustrating the methods of the Electoral College of those times as compared with those of the present, the total vote can be given. In addition to the votes for candidates already named, Connecticut cast four votes for Thomas Pinckney, five for John Jay; Georgia, four for George Clinton; Kentucky, four for Aaron Burr; Maryland, four for Thomas Pinckney, three for Burr and two for John Henry; Massachusetts, thirteen for Thomas Pinckney, one for O. Ellsworth, two for S. Johnson; New Hampshire, six for Ellsworth; New Jersey, seven for Thomas Pinckney; New York, twelve for Thomas Pinckney; North Carolina, one for Thomas Pinckney, six for Burr, three for James Iredell, one for George Washington, one for C. C. Pinckney; Pennsylvania, two for Thomas Pinckney, thirteen for Burr; Rhode Island, four for Ellsworth; South Carolina, eight for Thomas Pinckney; Tennessee, three for Burr; Vermont, four for Thomas Pinckney; and Virginia one for Thomas Pinckney, one for Burr, fifteen for Samuel Adams, three for Clinton and one for Washington.

In his inaugural address, President Adams made special declaration that the party to which he belonged had no friendship for England, and resolutely reaffirmed the neutrality position of Washington. The session of congress that opened in December, 1797, possessed a

strong Federalist majority in the senate and a Republican majority in the house. When the administration, in pursuance of its famous "armed neutrality" policy, attempted by force to resist the aggressions of the French upon American commerce, bitter opposition arose in the lower branch of congress, which was only removed when later developments showed the purposes of the French, and revealed the danger in which America was placed. As a measure of safety, the historic "Alien and Sedition" laws were passed by Federal support and votes, in the summer of 1798. The reasons for this action and the laws themselves have been thus briefly described:* The leading Republican journalists were mostly foreigners, Frenchmen and refugee Scotchmen, Irishmen and Englishmen, who had excited the warmest hatred of the Federalists by their scurrilous and intemperate language, and by their open advocacy of the extreme violence of French Republicanism. One of the first objects of the Federalists, after providing for an increase of the army and navy, was to muzzle these aliens, and to this end the acts above mentioned were passed. There were three alien laws. The first was an amendment of the naturalization laws, extending the necessary previous residence to fourteen years instead of five, and requiring five years previous declaration of intention to become a citizen, instead of three. Alien enemies could not become citizens at all. A register was to be kept of all aliens resident in the country, who were to enter their names under penalties in case of neglect; and in case of application to be naturalized, the certificate of an entry in this register was to be the only proof of residence whenever residence began after the date of this act. The second, passed June 25, was limited by its terms to two years of operation. It authorized the President to order out of the country all such aliens as he might judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States, or might suspect to be concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations. The third provided that, whenever any foreign nation declared war against or invaded the United States, all resident aliens, natives or citizens of the hostile nation, might, upon a proclamation to that effect, to be issued at the President's discretion, be apprehended and secured, or removed. The sedition laws were measures passed by the same congress for the more exact definition of treason and of sedition. The passage of these measures was attended by fierce political animosity, and the creation of political resentments and consequences that long outlived the occasion that had called them forth. The far-famed Kentucky and Virginia resolutions *Cyclopedia of Political Science,' Volume I., page 56.