CHAPTER XX. MONROE DOCTRINE. I. EARLY EXPRESSIONS OF AMERICAN POLICY. § 927. 1. Treaty of Sept. 26, 1815. § 930. 2. Anxiety as to Cuba. § 931. 3. Canning-Rush negotiations. § 932. 4. Monroe-Jefferson-Madison correspondence. § 933. V. MONROE'S MESSAGE, Dec. 2, 1823. § 936. § 937. (1) European interference opposed, 1825-1860. § 955. (2) Reprisals by allied powers, 1861-62. § 956. (3) French intervention, 1862-1867. § 957. (4) Prevention of Austrian aid, 1866. § 958. 12. Santo Domingo. (1) American-European intervention, 1850-51. § 960. (2) Spanish reannexation, 1861-1865. § 961. (3) Protocol of Feb. 7, 1905. § 962. 13. Republic of Texas. § 963. 368 IX. SPECIAL APPLICATIONS OF MONROE DOCTRINE-Continued. 14. Venezuela. (1) Use of good offices. § 964. (2) Avoidance of joint action. § 965. Boundary with British Guiana; Mr. Olney's instruc- (4) Claims. § 967. Discussion of 1880-81. Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, 1902-3. X. GENERAL EXPOSITIONS. § 968. The Hague declaration. President Roosevelt's annual messages, 1901, 1902. XI. INTERNATIONAL AMERICAN CONFERENCES. § 969. 1. EARLY EXPRESSIONS OF AMERICAN POLICY. § 927. "It is intimated to us in such a way as to attract our attention, that France means to send a strong force early this spring to offer independence to the Spanish-American colonies, beginning with those on the Mississippi, and that she will not object to the receiving those on the east side into our Confederation. Interesting considerations require that we should keep ourselves free to act in this case according to circumstances, and consequently that you should not, by any clause of treaty, bind us to guarantee any of the Spanish colonies against their own independence, nor indeed against any other nation. For, when we thought we might guarantee Louisiana on their ceding the Floridas to us, we apprehended it would be seized by Great Britain, who would thus completely encircle us with her colonies and fleets. This danger is now removed by the concert between Great Britain and Spain, and the times will soon enough give independence, and consequently free commerce to our neighbors, without our risking the involving of ourselves in a war with them." Mr. Jefferson, Sec. of State, to Messrs. Carmichael and Short, mins. to "Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it?--It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel H. Doc. 551-vol 6-24 example of a People always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. "Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens, the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican Government. "The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign Nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little Political connexion as possible.-So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith.—Here let us stop. 66 Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation.-Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence therefore it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships, or enmities. "Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. "Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour, or caprice? ""T is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances, with any portion of the foreign world;-so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it for let me not be understood as capable of patronising infidelity to existing engagements. But in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.” Washington's Farewell Address, Sept. 17, 1796, 13 Writings of Washing ton, by Ford, 311-318. A text of the address, adhering in form less strictly to the original, may be found in Am. State Papers, For. Rel. I. 36-37. "The purport of what I said was, that we are contented that the Floridas remain in the hands of Spain, but should not be willing to see them transferred, except to ourselves." Mr. King, min. to England, to Sec. of State, June 1, 1801, Am. State "In a late conversation with Mr. Addington, he observed to me, if the war happen, it would, perhaps, be one of their first steps to occupy New Orleans. I interrupted him by saying, I hoped the measure would be well weighed before it should be attempted; that, true it was, we could not see with indifference that country in the hands of France; but it was equally true, that it would be contrary to our views, and with much concern, that we should see it in the pos session of England: we had no objection to Spain continuing to pos sess it, they were quiet neighbors, and we looked forward without impatience to events which, in the ordinary course of things, must, at no distant day, annex this country to the United States. Mr. Addington desired me to be assured that England would not accept the country, were all agreed to give it to her; that, were she to occupy it, it would not be to keep it, but to prevent another power from obtaining it; and, in his opinion, this end would be best effected by its belonging to the United States. I expressed my acquiescence in the last part of his remarks, but observed, that, if the country should be occupied by England it would be suspected to be in concert with the United States, and might involve us in misunderstandings with another power, with which we desired to live in peace. He said, if you can obtain it, well, but if not, we ought to prevent its going into the hands of France; though, you may be assured, continued Mr. Addington, that nothing shall be done injurious to the interests of the United States." Mr. King, min. to England, to the Sec. of State, April 2, 1803, Am. State "We shall be well satisfied to see Cuba and Mexico remain in their present dependence; but very unwilling to see them in that of either France or England, politically or commercially. We consider their interests and ours as the same, and that the object of both must be to exclude all European influence from this hemisphere." President Jefferson to Governor Claiborne, of Louisiana, Oct. 29, 1808, 9 Ford's Writings of Jeffereson, 212. "I hope he sees, and will promote in his new situation, the advantages of a cordial fraternization among all the American nations, and the importance of their coalescing in an American system of policy, totally independent of and unconnected with that of Europe. The day is not distant when we may formally require a meridian of partition through the ocean which separates the two hemispheres, on the hither side of which no European gun shall ever be heard, nor an American on the other; and when, during the rage of the eternal wars of Europe, the lion and the lamb, within our regions, shall be drawn together in peace. The principles of society there and here, then, are radically different, and I hope no American patriot will ever lose sight of the essential policy of interdicting in the seas and territories of both Americas the ferocious and sanguinary contests of Europe. I wish to see this coalition begin." Mr. Jefferson to William Short, Aug. 4, 1820, Randolph's Memoirs of Jefferson, IV. 325, 328. "We have a perfect horror at everything like connecting ourselves with the politics of Europe. It would indeed be advantageous to us to have neutral rights established on a broad ground; but no dependence can be placed in any European coalition for that. . . . To be entangled with them would be a much greater evil than a temporary acquiescence in the false principles which have prevailed.” (Mr. Jefferson to William Short, Oct. 3, 1801, Jefferson's Writings, by Ford, VIII. 95.) II. RESOLUTIONS AS TO THE FLORIDAS. § 928. Jan. 3, 1811, President Madison sent to Congress a secret message, recommending that the Executive be authorized to take temporary possession of any part of the Floridas, in pursuance of arrangements with the Spanish authorities; or, without such arrangements, in case those authorities should be subverted and there should be apprehension of the occupancy of the territory by another foreign power. Acting on this message, Congress, in secret session, on the 15th of January, "taking into view the peculiar situation of Spain, and of her American provinces,” and “the influence which the destiny of the territory adjoining the southern border of the United States may have upon their security, tranquillity, and commerce," resolved that the United States could not "without serious inquietude, see any part of the said territory pass into the hands of any foreign power," and that "a due regard to their own safety " compelled them " to provide, under certain contingencies, for the temporary occupation of the said territory," the territory so occupied to be held "subject to future negotiation." The President was therefore authorized to take possession of and occupy all or any part of East Florida, "in case an arrangement has been, or shall be, made with the local authority of the said territory, for delivering up the possession of the same, or any part thereof, to the United States, or in the event of an attempt to occupy the said territory, or any part thereof, by any foreign government." For the purpose of occupying and holding the territory, the President was authorized to employ the Army and Navy of the United States; and the sum of $100,000 was appropriated "for defraying such expenses as the President may deem necessary for obtaining possession as aforesaid, and the security of the said territory." As to West Florida, Congress had already empowered the Executive to exercise acts of possession, on claim of title under the Louisiana cession. 3 Stats. at Large, 471; Am. State Papers, For. Rel. III. 571; Moore, Int. Arbitrations, V. 4519 et seq. |