that time forward it gradually decayed, till it utterly perished. The late revolutions in Europe have put an end to all its work, and nothing remains of all that it ever did." This declaration, Mr. Calhoun proceeded to state, must be limited by the conditions under which it was spoken, as otherwise "it would have involved the absurdity of asserting that the attempt of any European state to extend its system of government to this continent, the smallest as well as the greatest, would endanger the peace and safety of our country." "The next declaration," Mr. Calhoun proceeded to say, "was that we would regard the interposition of any European power to oppress the Governments of this continent, which we had recently recognized as independent, or to control their destiny in any manner whatever, as manifesting an unfriendly disposition towards the United States. This declaration, also, belongs to the history of that day. It grew out of the same state of circumstances, and may be considered as an appendage to the declaration to which I have just alluded. By the governments on this continent, which we had recognized, were meant the republics which had grown up after having thrown off the yoke of Spain. They had just emerged from their protracted revolutionary struggles. They had hardly yet reached a point of solidity, and in that tender stage, the Administration of Mr. Monroe thought it proper not only to make that general declaration in reference to the Holy Alliance, but to make a more specific one against the interference of any European power-in order to countenance and encourage these young republics as far as we could with propriety." Speech of Mr. Calhoun in the Senate, May 15, 1848, 4 Calhoun's Works, 455 et seq. In a report of Mr. Clay, Secretary of State, March 29, 1826, addressed to the President, and by him sent to Congress, it is stated that "the United States have contracted no engagement, nor made any pledge to the Governments of Mexico and South America, or to either of them, that the United States would not permit the interference of any foreign powers, with the independence or form of government of those nations: nor have any instructions been issued, authorizing any such engagement or pledge. It will be seen that the message of the late President of the United States of the 2nd December, 1823, is adverted to in the extracts now furnished from the instructions to Mr. Poinsett, and that he is directed to impress its principles upon the Government of the united Mexican States. "All apprehensions of the danger, to which Mr. Monroe alludes, of an interference, by the allied powers of Europe, to introduce their political systems into this hemisphere, have ceased. If, indeed, an attempt by force had been made, by allied Europe, to subvert the liberties of the southern nations on this continent, and to erect, upon the ruins of their free institutions, monarchical systems, the people of the United States would have stood pledged, in the opinion of their Executive, not to any foreign state, but to themselves and to their posterity, by their dearest interests, and highest duties, to resist, to the utmost, such attempt; and it is to a pledge of that character that Mr. Poinsett alone refers." 13 British and Foreign State Papers (1825–26), 484. "The United States Government did not relax its efforts in behalf of the South American states with the recognition of England, but continued to exert itself in order to secure the acknowledgment of their independence by the other powers of Europe, particularly Spain. Mr. Clay tried to get the other members of the alliance, especially the Emperor of Russia, to use their good offices with Spain for the purpose of inducing her to recognize her late colonies, but the Emperor of Russia, the head of the alliance, continued to preach to Spain not only no recognition of their independence, but active war for their subjugation.' To the request of the United States he replied that, out of respect for the indisputable titles of sovereignty,' he could not prejudge or anticipate the determination of the King of Spain. It was some ten years before Spain could be persuaded to renounce her ancient claims." Latané, The Diplomatic Relations of the United States and Spanish "By the decease of the Emperor Alexander, of Russia, which occurred contemporaneously with the commencement of the last session of Congress, the United States have been deprived of a longtried, steady, and faithful friend. . A candid and confidential interchange of sentiments between him and the Government of the United States upon the affairs of Southern America took place at a period not long preceding his demise, and contributed to fix that course of policy which left to the other governments of Europe no alternative but that of sooner or later recognizing the independence of our southern neighbors, of which the example had by the United States already been set." President John Quincy Adams, annual message, Dec. 5, 1826, Richadrson's Messages, II. 350. VII. ENGLISH ACTION AND OPINION. $ 938. After the dispatch to the United States of the correspondence which called forth the opinions of Jefferson and Madison, the negotiations between Canning and Rush continued, and Rush continued to make reports of his proceedings, some of which reached Washington during the deliberations of the Cabinet on the Government's policy. On the 22d of October Rush wrote that the Spansh-American topic had been "dropped" by Canning "in a most extraordinary manner," not a word having come from Canning on the subject since the 26th of September, when Rush had an interview with him. at Gloucester Lodge. The cause of this suspense Rush learned only on the 24th of November, when Canning exhibited to him at the foreign office a memorandum of a conference held with Prince de Polignac, the French ambassador, on the 9th of October. A joint minute was made of the conference, in order that each Government might have an authentic record of what passed. Canning, on the part of his Government, declared that, while Great Britain would remain neutral in any war between Spain and her colonies, the junction of any foreign power with-Spain against the colonies would be viewed as constituting entirely a new question, upon which Great Britain must take such decision as her interests required; that Great Britain disclaimed any desire of appropriating any of the Spanish colonies, or of forming any political connection with them beyond that of amity and commerce, and that she sought no preference, but would be willing to see the colonies free, with Spain holding a preference. Prince de Polignac, on the part of France, reciprocally declared that his Government believed it to be utterly hopeless to reduce Spanish America to the state of its former relations to Spain. He disclaimed any intention on the part of France to appropriate any part of the Spanish possessions in America or to obtain any exclusive advantages, and declared that she would, like England, willingly see the mother country in possession of superior commercial advantages, by amicable arrangements, and would be contented. to rank, after Spain, among the most favored nations. Lastly, he affirmed that France abjured, in any case, any design of acting against the colonies by force of arms. 7 Am. Hist. Rev. (July, 1902), 691; 15 Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. The following is from a "private mately was conveyed in my conference with P. de Polignac; and while I was more doubtful as to the effect of that protest and declaration, I sounded Mr. Rush (the American minister here) as to his powers and disposition, to join in any step which we might take, to prevent a hostile enterprise on the part of the European powers against Spanish America. He had no powers; but he would have taken upon himself to join with us, if we would have begun by recognizing the Spanish-American States. This we could not do, and so we went on without. But I have no doubt that his report to his Government of this sounding (which he probably represented as an overture) had a great share in producing the explicit declarations of the President." As Stapleton remarks, Canning's position was simply that Great Britain would not permit other European powers to interfere on behalf of Spain in her contest with her American colonies. So far from assenting to the position that the "unoccupied parts of America are no longer open to colonization from Europe," he held that the United States had no right to take umbrage at the establishment of new colonies from Europe on any such unoccupied parts of the American continent." The message of President Monroe was received in England "not only with satisfaction but with enthusiasm. Mr. Brougham said: The question with regard to Spanish America is now, I believe, disposed of, or nearly so; for an event has recently happened than which none has ever dispersed greater joy, exultation, and gratitude over all the free men of Europe; that event, which is decisive on the subject, is the language held with respect to Spanish America in the message of the President of the United States.' Sir James Mackintosh said: This coincidence of the two great English commonwealths (for so I delight to call them; and I heartily pray that they may be forever united in the cause of justice and liberty) can not be contemplated without the utmost pleasure by every enlightened citizen of the earth.' This attitude of the American Government gave a decisive support to that of Great Britain, and effectually put an end to the designs of the absolutist powers of the Continent to interfere with the affairs of Spanish America. Those dynasties had no disposition to hazard a war with such a power, moral and material, as Great Britain and the United States would have presented, when united, in the defense of independent constitutional governments." R. H. Dana, jr., Dana's Wheaton, § 67, note 36. "The French troops continuing to occupy Spain after the time. stipulated by treaty, Canning sought an explanation from France, but without satisfactory results. He therefore determined at a cabinet meeting held December 14, 1824, to recognize Mexico and Colombia forthwith. On January 1, 1825, after the ministers had left England with instructions and full powers, the fact of recognition was communicated officially to the diplomatic corps, and two days later it was made public." Latané, The Diplomatic Relations of the United States and Spanish VIII. THE NONCOLONIZATION PRINCIPLE. 1. CONTROVERSY WITH RUSSIA. $ 939. The announcement, made in the seventh paragraph of President Monroe's message of Dec. 2, 1823, of the principle that the American continents were "henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers," was occasioned by the discussions with Russia as to territorial rights on the northwest coast of America. In 1821 the Emperor of Russia issued a ukase by which he assumed, as owner of the shore, to exclude foreigners from carrying on commerce and from navigating and fishing within a hundred Italian miles of the northwest coast of America, from Bering Straits down to the 51st parallel of north latitude. As this assertion of title embraced territory which was claimed by the United States as well as by Great Britain, both those governments protested against it. In consequence, the Russian Government proposed to adjust the matter by amicable negotiation; and instructions to that end were prepared for Mr. Middleton, then our minister to Russia, and for Mr. Rush, our minister to England, in the summer of 1823. John Quincy Adams was then Secretary of State. At a meeting of the Cabinet on June 28 the subject of Mr. Middleton's instructions was discussed, and Mr. Adams expressed the opinion that the claim of the Russians could not be admitted, because they appeared to have no "settlement " upon the territory in dispute. On July 17 he informed Baron Tuyl, the Russian minister, at a conference at the Department of State, "that we [the United States] should contest the right of Russia to any territorial establishment on this continent, and that we should assume distinctly the principle that the American continents are no longer subjects for any new European colonial establishments." Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, VI. 163. See 82 N. Am. Rev. 494; See Foster, A Century of Am. Diplomacy, 442; Moore, American Diplo- "It is not imaginable that, in the present condition of the world, any European nation should entertain the project of settling a colony |