the policy concerning it which has been repeatedly declared by the United States, and which will in all human probability never be departed from. "With respect to the causes of war between Spain and Mexico, the United States have no concern, and do not undertake to judge them. Nor do they claim to interpose in any hostilities which may take place. Their policy of observation and interference is limited to the permanent subjugation of any portion of the territory of Mexico, or of any other American state to any European power whatever." Mr. Cass, Sec. of State, to Mr. Dodge, min. to Spain, No. 66 (confid.), After the foregoing instruction was sent, Mr. Tassara, Spanish minister, called at the Department of State, and volunteered the information that a Spanish naval force had been ordered to the coast of Mexico solely for the purpose of protecting the persons and property of Spanish subjects and compelling the Mexican Government to do justice to Spain for injuries which had been committed. Mr. Tassara's assurances were received with satisfaction, and the American minister at Madrid was authorized so to advise the minister of foreign affairs, and at the same time to take advantage of the opportunity to say that the United States considered Mexico's "freedom from foreign control" to be "essential to the true policy of the independent states of America, and that any attempt to subdue or hold possession of" that country "would be considered by the United States as an unfriendly act, and would be firmly opposed by them." Mr. Cass, Sec. of State, to Mr. Dodge, min. to Spain, No. 71 (confid.), In a confidential letter of April 4, 1859, the British consul at Vera Cruz stated that his Government had determined to take advantage of the presence of the British fleet in the Gulf to enforce the payment of certain outstanding claims against Mexico, and as that force could not reach the central government at the City of Mexico to employ it for that purpose against the Liberal Government then having its seat at Vera Cruz, the British Government holding that place "to be as it were the treasury of Mexico." Mr. Dallas, the minister of the United States at London, was instructed to ascertain from Lord Malmesbury whether such instructions had been given, and if so to submit the following views: That the United States assumed "no right to sit in judgment upon the causes of complaint which Great Britain may prefer against Mexico, nor upon the measures which may be adopted to obtain satis faction; " that these were " questions which pertain to national sovereignty, and which every power must determine for itself and upon its own responsibility;" that the position of Mexico and the United States, and the relations they bore to each other, rendered the situation of the former country, however, a subject of great concern to the United States, and the President therefore trusted that Her Majesty's Government would receive in a friendly spirit some suggestions connected with it; that the United States had "a deep interest in the stability and tranquillity of the Mexican Republic, not only in a commercial point of view, but as a coterminous neighbor, stretching along our frontier for a great distance, and commanding important routes of communication, between eastern and western portions of the Union; " that, while the Mexican experiment of self-government had been so far an unfortunate one, the permanent prosperity of the country was believed to be intimately connected with the establishment of the power of the Liberal party, and the President, being satisfied that it had "the adhesion of a majority of the Mexican people, as it certainly had of a majority of the Mexican States, and that it possessed the best means of consolidating their institutions, in a spirit. of moderation and justice," had recognized its political existence; that an attack on Vera Cruz would in fact be directed against the Liberal Government, and would be a direct interference, which would necessarily work injury to that government, crippling its resources, while its opponents, holding the capital, would be beyond the reach of the operations; that Vera Cruz was a very important point for the commerce of the United States, of England, and of France, so that hostile measures could not be taken there without serious injury to all; that, if some delay were granted, the opportunity might present itself of requiring from the government which Great Britain had continued to recognize an equitable proportion of the contribution levied upon the Republic; and that it was hoped that Lord Malmesbury would under the circumstances review the decision to employ force, and await a more propitious time to enforce the claims. Mr. Cass, Sec. of State, to Mr. Dallas, May 12, 1859, MS. Inst. Gr. Britain, About the middle of July, 1860, the British Government, through Lord Lyons, its minister at Washington, invited the United States to join Great Britain and France in addressing an identic note to the Miramon and Juarez governments in Mexico, advising the calling of a national assembly to settle their domestic difficulties upon some reasonable basis. This invitation was submitted to President Buchanan, and in due time Lord Lyons was advised that the general policy of the United States was "opposed to any interference, especially the joint interference, of other powers in the domestic affairs of an independent nation;" that the motives of this policy were peculiarly strong in the case of Mexico; that the President had recognized the Juarez government as a constitutional one, which had in fact a far larger popular support than any other; that he would therefore be very unwilling to take any step which would appear to discredit the Juarez government or put it on the same level as its opponent; that he could not see any practical good to result from the joint intervention, and that, while desiring the happiest results from the proposed action of England and France, he did not feel either disposed or authorized to make the United States a party to it. Mr. Trescot, Act. Sec. of State, to Mr. Elgee, secretary in charge of the legation in Mexico, No. 38, Aug. 8, 1860, MS. Inst. Mexico, XVII. 302. When the invitation above referred to was given "all designs to interfere by force in the matter, or to influence the action of the Mexican authorities or people in any other manner than by friendly representations, was peremptorily disavowed;" but even then the President, our established policy being opposed to intervention in the internal affairs of other countries, did not think proper to take any part in the proceeding; and it was understood that the effort was made and that it proved to be abortive. It appears that after Lord Lyons delivered the invitation above mentioned, the French chargé d'affaires made a similar communication to the Department of State, and, while giving an assurance that France had not the slightest idea of resorting to force in the matter, added that, if the rights and interests of French citizens should be violated in Mexico, the Government of France would feel at liberty to adopt such measures as might be deemed expedient. In reply, Mr. Cass declared "that the United States did not call in question the right of France to compel the Government of Mexico, by force if necessary, to do it justice," but that "the permanent occupation of any part of the territory of Mexico by foreign power, or an attempt in any manner forcibly to interfere in its internal concerns or to control its political destiny, would give great dissatisfaction to the United States." The policy of the United States on this subject was, said Mr. Cass, well known to all the powers interested in the question, and it would be “adhered to under all circumstances." Mr. Cass, Sec. of State, to Mr. Faulkner, min. to France, No. 27, Aug. 31, 1860, MS. Inst. France, XV. 481. Trustworthy information having been received that Spain had ordered a large naval force to Vera Cruz, and that the city would be attacked if certain demands against the Juarez government were not complied with, the naval forces of the United States in that quarter were increased, and the commander was ordered to afford all proper and necessary protection to American rights and interests, though he was directed that, if Spain should resort to war measures against Mexico, he would of course not resist them. In an interview with Mr. Tassara, Spanish minister, at the Department of State, Mr. Cass declared that the United States was utterly opposed to the holding possession of Mexico by any foreign power, and to any forcible interference with a view to control its political destiny, and that any measures for such objects would be resisted by the United States "by all the means in their power." Mr. Tassara gave the most explicit assurances that Spain had no intention whatever of retaining possession of any part of Mexico or of undertaking to control its political destiny. The substance of this interview was reported by Mr. Cass to Mr. Preston, the minister of the United States at Madrid, who was authorized to say to the Spanish minister of foreign affairs, in a friendly manner, that it was desirable that the threatened warfare between Spain and Mexico should be averted, if possible, by some peaceful arrangement, and that if this could not be done the most peremptory orders should be issued by the Spanish Government to its officers to avoid giving just offense to other powers. Mr. Cass stated that he had reason to believe that the Juarez government would favorably receive a proposition to refer the matters in controversy to the arbitration of some friendly power. Mr. Cass, Sec. of State, to Mr. Preston, min. to Spain, No. 30, Sept. 7, 1860, MS. Inst. Spain, XV. 247. In September, 1860, Mr. Robert M. McLane, then minister to Mexico, was, in anticipation of hostilities between Spain and the government of President Juarez, directed to proceed to Vera Cruz without delay. The general position of the United States was expressed by Mr. Cass in an instruction of September 20, 1860, in the following terms: "While we do not deny the right of any other power to carry on hostile operations against Mexico, for the redress of its grievances, we firmly object to its holding possession of any part of that country, or endeavoring by force to control its political destiny. "This opposition to foreign interference is known to France, England, and Spain, as well as the determination of the United States to resist any such attempt by all the means in their power. Any design to act in opposition to this policy has been heretofore disavowed by each of those powers, and recently by the minister of Spain, in the name of his Government, in the most explicit manner." Mr. Cass also adverted to the fact that Mr. McLane had previously expressed a confident opinion, which he seemed still to retain, that projects were meditated by the three powers referred to incompatible with the policy which the United States had announced. An effort H. Doc. 551-vol 631 might, said Mr. Cass, be renewed by friendly representations to prevail on the contending parties in Mexico to establish by amicable arrangement the basis of a free, stable, and liberal government and to submit the result of their labors to the decision of the Mexican people. If such a plan could be honestly carried out, the United States would not oppose it, though its nonintervention principles would preclude any direct participation in the endeavor. Mr. Cass added: “You fear that the project will be converted into a scheme for control or acquisition by taking advantage of the weakness of the country and by operating upon its fears, so that an extorted assent may be given to the proposition and European ascendancy thus established. I have no reason to anticipate that any such effort will be made, and have only to add that, if attempted, it will be met by the armed action of the United States, should Congress adhere to the policy we have so long avowed and publicly proclaimed." Mr. Cass, Sec. of State, to Mr. McLane, min. to Mexico, No. 39, Sept. 20, 1860, MS. Inst. Mexico, XVII. 306. President Buchanan, in his annual message of 1860, reviewed the then recent relations between the United States and Mexico, which he had extensively discussed in his two previous annual messages. He adverted to the "series of wrongs and outrages" to which American citizens in Mexico had been subjected, and quoted the opinion of Mr. Forsyth, when minister to Mexico, in 1856, that "nothing but a manifestation of the power of the Government and of its purpose to punish these wrongs will avail." President Buchanan adverted to the adoption of a new constitution by Mexico in 1857, and the election of a President and Congress under its provisions; to the expulsion of this President from the capital by a rebellion in the army, and to the usurpation of supreme power by General Zuloaga, who in turn was soon compelled to give place to General Miramon. Under the constitution of 1857, however, said President Buchanan, Señor Juarez, as chief justice of the supreme court, became on the deposition of the elective President the lawful President of the Republic, and as the constitutional party which he represented continued to grow in power, his government was recognized in April 1859 by the United States. Meanwhile, the Miramon government held sway at the capital and over the surrounding country, and continued its outrages upon American citizens; and, to cap the climax, after the battle of Tacubaya, in April, 1859, General Marquez ordered three citizens of the United States, two of whom were physicians, to be seized in the hospital at that place and taken out and shot, without crime and without trial. The time had then arrived, said President Buchanan, when, in his opinion, the United States was bound to exert its power to secure redress for its citizens in Mexico and to afford them protec |