statement of the contributions received by committees and candidates in elections for members of Congress, and in such other elections as are constitutionally within the control of Congress. Meantime the Republican party by the election of a New York treasurer has subjected all its receipts and expenditures to the compulsory obligation of such a law."

But why "with every hope of success"?

Did the letter Mr. Taft wrote to Senator Burrows, urging the adoption of such a law, have any effect upon the Republican Congress?

Did the recommendation of Mr. Roosevelt have any effect upon the Republican Congress?

The Taft letter and the Roosevelt recommendation were given to Congress while a Presidential election was approaching. If a Republican Congress would not act under those circumstances, with what reason does Mr. Taft say that after the Presidential election he would urge such a measure "with every hope of success"?

The Republican party in national convention assembled voted down a publicity plank by 94 yeas to 880 nays.

Meantime let it be remembered that the publicity favored by Mr. Taft is an "AFTER" election publicity. In other words, the people will be told who the financial backers of the Republican party are when it is too late for the people to profit by the information.

THAT FAKE "PUBLICITY" BILL.

It may not be fully understood why the Democrats voted against the "Publicity" bill which was before Congress at its last session. The original McCall Publicity bill, which had the endorsement of all the Democrats, had added to it in order to defeat it, both a proposition looking toward the cutting down of the Southern representation in Congress, and the federal supervision of elections. This is well expressed in a statement of Hon. John Sharp Willjams made at the time of the consideration of the bill.

Mr. Williams said:

"You have added to the McCall bill, which we Democrats want, these provisions, beginning with section 11 of the Crumpacker bill, and on through to the end of this Crumpacker bill, and you are doing it for the purpose of securing the defeat of the McCall bill. 'You know that nobody who believes in American institutions would vote for section 11 of the Crumpacker bill. It puts the execution of state laws in the hands of Congress and courts of the United States.

66

"You know that nobody would vote for section 12 of that bill, which does the same thing; and which prescribes a federal punishment for a violation of State laws. You know that if there were anybody stupid enough and foolish enough to go back to the force bill of Harrison's Administration they would not be willing to go so far as the latter part of section 12 goes, which reads that'Every registration made under the laws of any State or Territory for any State or other election, or primary election at which such Representative or Delegate in Congress may be nominated or elected, shall be deemed to be a registration within the meaning of this section, notwithstanding such registration is also made for the purposes of any State, Territorial or municipal election or primary election.'

"You know that section 13 is obnoxious to the same objection, to wit, handing over to the Federal Government the punishment of violations of State laws committed within the State. You know that section 14 of this bill is an opening wedge for the reduction of Southern representation. You do not say the reduction of representation of the States under the fourteenth amendment, because this is not your desire."

The stupendous monopolies * * * are throwing workmen by thousands out of employment in order to reduce wages and increase prices.-Resolution of Missouri State Federation of Labor.

Misappropriated Funds Traced to Republican Party Treasury

It is difficult to show the extent of corporation and trust funds contributions to Republican campaign funds, but in the insurance investigation in New York beginning in September, 1905, nearly half a million dollars of misappropriated trust funds were traced to the Republican party's treasury. In this investigation (which was by no means thorough so far as the Republican party was concerned) it was shown that in the Presidential campaigns of 1896, 1900 and 1904 money belonging to insurance policy holders was paid into the Republican party's treasury by companies and in sums as follows: Aetna Life, $15,000; Equitable Life, $50,000; Metropolitan Life, $7,500; Mutual Life, $90,000; New York Life, $150,000; Prudential Life, $26,000.

Later before the Legislative Committee at Albany, Andrew Hamilton, the lobbyist, testified that he had given $75,000 to Mr. Bliss, treasurer of the Republican National Committee. Bliss denied that he had received the money, but Hamilton produced the voucher for it.

In this connection this is interesting:

"President John A. McCall of the New York Life testified last week that his company had paid over $1,000,000 in the last five years for 'law expenses, of which nearly half a' million went to Andrew Hamilton, who had 'entire control of all legislation introduced in the United States and Canada.'"-Literary Digest, Oct. 19, 1905, page 524.

Not a penny of this amount, traced to the treasury of the Republican National Committee, has been returned.

TESTIMONY BY LIFE INSURANCE OFFICIALS

The following extracts taken from the official report of the TESTIMONY and EXHIBITS of the LEGISLATIVE INSURANCE INVESTIGATION COMMITTEE of New York, and which may be found in any State Insurance Auditor's office are self-explanatory:

Geo. W. Perkins of the New York Life (referring to a check for $48,702.50).-Q. What was that payment for? A. That was money paid to Mr. Cornelius N. Bliss on account of the REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE CAMPAIGN account of last year. We had agreed to pay him $50,000, as much as that Mr. McCall had, if he wished it, and that was all he finally called for, and it was paid in that way as cash to him. I would like to state in that connection that the New York Life did the same thing in 1902 and 1906. We did it in the first McKinley campaign and in the second McKinley campaign and in the last one.

John A. McCall of the New York Life (referring to the payment of $48,702.50).-Q. And you approved of it? A. I approved of it, and do now.

A.

We

Walter R. Gillette, Vice-President of the Mutual Life Insurance Company (referring to campaign contributions in 1904) said: made "a contribution to the National Republican Committee." Q. Of how much? A. I think it was about $40,000. Q. Was the contribution made in 1900 to the national campaign? A. There was. Q. Of what amount? * I think that was $35,000. In 1896 I think it was $15,000. Richard A. McCurdy (referring to the contribution in 1896).-Q. Will you answer that please, was the first contribution ever made in 1896? A. Yes, that was the first contribution ever made. Q. What was the next contribution? A. Well, the two Bryan campaigns, and the Parker campaign we contributed to.

Benjamin B. Odell, Governor of New York: Q. So far as you know, have you received any (campaign contributions from insurance companies)? A. They may have come. Q. Have you any means of knowing whether or not you did? A. Only from testimony here and from other reasons-yes. Q. Did anv ever come to you direct? A. Possibly. Q. Through whom? A. Through the National Committee and through Senator Platt. Q. What relation has Senator Platt in the matter? A. He always gathered all the funds together

ever since I have been connected with Republican politics, excepting the last year.

James H. Hyde of the Equitable (referring to political contributions).-Q. And what were they so far as you were informed of them? A. I know of only one of those, which was for the last Presidential campaign. Q. Of what amount? A. Of $25,000. Q. And to whom made? A. Made to Mr. Bliss at his request, through Mr. Frick. Q. How did you become aware of the contribution? A. Mr. Frick asked me for it, and I asked Mr. Alexander, and Mr. Alexander approved of the contribution.

RAILROAD MONEY TRACED TO THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

On April 2, 1907, a sensation was created all over the country by the publication of a letter written in December, 1905, addressed to Mr. Sidney Webster, of New York, and signed by E. H. Harriman. The letter follows:

"Mr. Sidney Webster, No. 5 East Seventeenth Street, New York. -Dear Sir: I am glad to see that you are in town and hope soon to have an opportunity of talking matters over with you. I had printed copies of the testimony sent you, in hopes that you would, after reading them, give me some idea of where I stand, for I confess that I feel somewhat at sea in the whole insurance matter. The trouble originated in allowing myself to be drawn into other people's affairs, and partly from a desire to help them at their request. I seem to be like the fellow who got in between the man and his wife in their quarrel.

"As to my political instincts, to which you refer in your letter of December 13, I am quite sure I have none, and my being made at all prominent in the political situation is entirely due to President Roosevelt and because of my taking an active part in the autumn of 1904, at his request, and his taking advantage of conditions then created to further his own interests. If it had been a premeditated plot it could not have had been better started or carried out.

"About a week before the election in the autumn of 1904, when it looked certain that the state ticket would go Democratic and was doubtful as to Roosevelt himself, he, the President, sent me a request to go to Washington to confer upon the political conditions in New York state. I complied, and he told me he understood the campaign could not be successfully carried on without sufficient money, and asked if I would help them in raising the necessary funds as the National Committee, under control of Chairman Cortelyou, had utterly failed of obtaining them, and there was a large amount due from them to the New York State Committee.

"I explained to him that I understood the difficulty here was mainly caused by the up-state leaders being unwilling to support Depew for re-election as United States Senator; that if he, Depew. could be taken care of in some other way I thought matters could be adjusted and the different contending elements in the party brought into alliance again. We talked over what could be done for Depew, and finally he agreed, if found necessary, he would appoint him as ambassador to Paris.

"With full belief that he, the President, would keep this agreement, I came back to New York, sent for Treasurer Bliss, who told me that I was their last hope, and that they had exhausted every other resource. In his presence I called up an intimate friend of Senator Depew, told him that it was necessary, in order to carry New York state, that $200,000 should be raised at once, and if he would help I would subscribe $50,000. After a few words over the telephone the gentleman said he would let me know, which he did, probably in three or four hours, with the result that the whole amount, including my subscription, had been raised.

"The checks were given to Treasurer Bliss. who took them to Chairman Cortelyou. If there were any among them of life insurance companies, or any other like organizations, of course Cortelyou must have informed the President. I do not know who the subscribers were other than the friend of Depew, who was an individual. This amount enabled the New York State Committee to continue its work, with the result that at least 50,000 votes were turned in the city of New York alone, making a difference of 100,000 votes in the general result.

"There are between 2,200 and 2,300 districts in Greater New York and in a campaign such as that the expenditure of, say $50 in each district for campaign purposes, not including the watchers on election day, would take more than $100,000.

I

"Some time in December, 1904, on my way from Virginia to New York, I stopped and had a short talk with the President. He told me then, that he did not think it necessary to appoint Depew as ambassador to Paris, as agreed; in fact favored him for the Senate. had not expected that he was the one to say as to what would be necessary, but he arrogated that to himself, and I, of course, could say nothing further. After that I used what influence I could to have Depew returned to the Senate, as I considered there had been an implied obligation which should be lived up to.

"This is the way I was brought to the surface in the political matters, as I had never before taken any active part and had only done what I could as any private citizen might, so you see I was brought forward by Roosevelt in an attempt to help him, at his request, the same as I was in the insurance matter by Hyde and Ryan by their request for my help; and in the case of Ryan I probably would have dropped the matter after our first interview had it not

been for my desire to save Belmont from taking a position for which he could have been criticised by the public press, as he was the one Ryan desired me to influence from opposing Morton for election as chairman of the Equitable board, and Belmont afterward thanked me for taking his part, as, if he had voted against Morton in view of his local traction contentions with Mr. Ryan, it would have been misconstrued.

"Ryan's success in all his manipulations, traction deals, tobacco combination, manipulation of the State Trust Company into the Morton Trust Company, the Shoe and Leather Bank into the Bank of Commerce-thus covering up his tracks-has been done by the adroit mind of Elihu Root, and the present situation has been brought about by a combination of circumstances which has brought together the Ryan, Root, Roosevelt element.

"Where do I stand? Yours sincerely,

"E. H. HARRIMAN."

President Roosevelt in reply said: "I never requested Mr. Harriman to raise a dollar for the Presidential campaign of 1904," but there was no attempt on Mr. Roosevelt's part to deny that Harriman had actually raised such an amount for the campaign fund. President Roosevelt simply answered personal attacks, which he claimed had been made upon him by Harriman.

Harriman, in reply, to show that he had had a conference with President Roosevelt touching campaign matters, submitted the following letter:

"White House, Washington, D. C.,
June 29, 1904.-Personal.

My Dear Mr. Harriman-I thank you for your fetter. As soon as you come home I shall want to see you. The fight will doubtless be hot then. It has been a real pleasure to see you this year. Very truly yours. (Signed) THEODORE ROOSEVELT."

In reply Harriman said he would come. On October 10th the President wrote: "In view of the trouble over the State ticket in New York, I should much like to have a few words with you. Do you think you can get down here within a few days and take either lunch or dinner with me?"

On October 14th Mr. Roosevelt wrote: "My Dear Mr. Harriman-A suggestion has come to me in a round-about way that you do not think it wise to come to see me in these closing weeks of the campaign, but that you are reluctant to refuse, inasmuch as I have asked you."

In the conferences which followed Mr. Roosevelt declared that the subject for discussion was the campaign in New York State. Be that as it may, the fact remains that Mr. Harriman raised the amounts he claimed, and it was paid to the National Campaign Committee.

The following is a statement of the fund collected by Mr. Harriman:

Edward H. Harriman..

.$ 50,000

H. McK. Twombly (representing the Vanderbilt interests).

25.000

Chauncey M. Depew (personal).

25,000

James Hazen Hyde..

25,000

The Equitable Life Assurance Society.

10,000

J. Pierpont Morgan..

10,000

George W. Perkins (New York Life Insurance Company).

10,000

H. H. Rogers, John D. Archbold, William Rockefeller (Standard Oil Co.)..

30,000

James Speyer and Banking Interests.

10,000

Cornelius N. Bliss (personal)..

10,000

Seven Friends of Senator Depew, $5,000 each.

35,000

Sent to Mr. Harriman in smaller donations..

20,000

....

.$260,000

Total

This statement is taken from the New York World of September 8, 1907.

According to the same paper, "This sum of money, exceeding by $60,000 the amount estimated by Geo. B. Cortelyou, Chairman of the Republican National Committee, and B. B. Odell, Jr., Chairman of the Republican State Committee, to be necessary to insure the election of Mr. Roosevelt as President, and Mr. Higgins, as Governor, was collected by Mr. Harriman and Senator Depew and turned over by Mr. Harriman to Cornelius N. Bliss, Treasurer of the Republican National Committee. Mr. Bliss gave his check for the full amount to Mr. Cortelyou. The latter retained $60,000 of it for his own uses in the State and gave his check for

ON THE SAME DAY.

On April 27, 1907, the Associated Press carried an interview with a railroad president, declaring that the railroads had determined to obey the law and that secret rebating was a thing of the past.

On the same day the Associated Press carried a dispatch from Los Angeles, showing that the Santa Fe railroad had been caught rebating, and that an indictment of seventy-six counts had been returned against that company.

A REPUBLICAN ON TARIFF EXTORTION.

From Speech of Governor Cummins of lowa.

"All the robberies and thefts committed by all the insurance officers since life insurance was first originated do not amount to as much extortion as the Dingley bill for one year."

The beginning of reform in legislation is the elimination of bossism from the National House of Representatives. When the people recover control of that body then, and not before may they expect their will, and not the will of the boss to be done. They can recover that control in the coming election. If they do recover it, well and good; if they do not, bad and worse. Boss rule or rule of the people, which shall it be?— Hon. David A. De Armond of Missouri, May 30, 1908.

The multiplication of public offices, increase of expense beyond income, growth and entailment of a public debt, are indications soliciting the employment of the pruning knife.-Jeffer

son.

We boast that our safety rests upon the sovereignty of the people and that this makes our Republic the Samson of the ages. But has not Samson been shorn of his locks while yet he slumbers with the ballot in his hand? Is not the Rip Van Winkle of popular government lost in the Catskill Mountains of centralism? Has he not drunk too deep from the drug of indifference? Is he not sleeping too long on his rights, and will he not some day rise up from his trance to find the gunstock of liberty rotted from the barrel at his side and nothing but the skeleton of national happiness lying at his feet?Hon. Robert L. Taylor, of Tennessee, May 19, 1908.

* * * No men should be put in office who are in sympathy with trusts or trust makers. The people can easily identify these men, and if the voters are properly aroused there will be no doubt of what they will do.-Ex-Senator Washburn of Minnesota.

RAILROAD EMPLOYES VS. MR. TAFT

The Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers' Journal, in May, 1893, said: "Judge Taft's decision proclaims members of the B. of L. E. a band of conspirators."

Also, "We cannot accept Judge Taft's decision in any other light than treason to republican insti= tutions and the liberties of the people. It is, will be, and ought to be denounced and repudiated by all liberty loving men."