MR. BRYAN HELPS RESTORE CONFIDENCE. During the Republican panic of 1907 many thoroughly frightened bankers, who have lost no opportunity to call Mr. Bryan an alarmist and other pet names, were very glad to circulate among their depositors an editorial entitled "Be Patient, Depositors," which Mr. Bryan printed in his paper. That editorial follows: "In other editorials The Commoner has pointed out certain remedies that ought to be invoked for the relieving of the present panic and the protection of the public for the future, but it begs to urge patience and confidence upon its readers. The banks are, as a rule, perfectly sound. They are not loaded up with bad paper. Examination will show that prices have been rising and that men are better able to pay their debts now than they were ten or even five years ago, but the depositors can precipitate a panic if they are unreasonable enough to do so. The withdrawal of a few dollars a day by each depositor if he deposits none, will soon cripple the strongest institution, while an agreement among the depositors to exercise a little more faith, will soon relieve the situation. While the local banks may find it impossible to withdraw the deposits which they have made in the eastern banks, those deposits will ultimately be paid, and there is practically no danger of loss to the various communities unless depositors are foolish enough to expect the impossible. When a depositor puts his money into a bank, he knows that his ability to withdraw it on demand depends entirely upon the probability that but few will want to withdraw the money at one time. He has no right to expect, therefore, that he can call for his money at once if all the other depositors do the same thing-still less should he expect it if his timidity makes others timid. This is a time when depositors should recognize the service of the bank to the community for the bank would not exist but for the local demand for it-and the depositor should help to protect the community by giving such support as is within his power. The depositor who thinks only of himself at a time like this is as much to be criticised as the citizen who, thinking only of himself in time of war, refuses to bear any of the risks or dangers necessary for his country's protection." OF A TARIFF BENEFICIARY Mr. H. E. Miles, chairman of the tariff committee of the National Association of Manufac= turers and head of the agricultural implement trust, wrote an article which will be found in the "American Industries" of November 15, 1907, a paper which is now supporting the republican ticket. From that article these striking statements are taken: I have made money every year out of the Tariff Graft. Not much, but still a little. The Tariff barons raised their price $50,000, to me. I made a charge against the jobber of $60,000 and I know that he charged more than $70,000 for the $60,000 he paid me. Before reaching the consumer the $50,000 charge became about $100,000 to be paid by the agricultural consumer. The manufacturer who would prosper must make a double profit, one by the shrewd management of his business and another by still shrewder manipulation in Washington. We have no great difficulty in shipping abroad for we could get as high prices as at home. We are so held up, however, by our supply people that to most of us there is very scant profit in foreign business. When Congress gave us forty-five per cent, we needing only twenty per cent, they gave us a Congressional permit, if not an invitation, to con= solidate, form one great trust and advance our prices twenty-five per cent, being the difference between the twenty per cent needed and the fortyfive per cent given. "American Industries" is published from 170 Broadway, New York. It has editorial offices at 1 West 34th Street, New York. "NOW YOU SEE IT," ETC. Republican newspapers have congratulated Congress upon making decrease in the amount to be paid the railroads for carrying the mails, such decrease being in the sum of $12,000,000. But it seems that this is a case of "now you see it and now you don't see it." The Washington correspondent for the New York World said in March, 1907, that Chairman Overstreet of the postoffice committee offered a resolution which practically donates $10,000,000 to the railroads. Referring to this resolution this correspondent says: "It was accomplished without a record vote, thus preventing any alignment which might prove embarrassing to members during a campaign. For more than thirty years efforts have been made in Congress to reduce the exorbitant prices paid the railroads for transporting the mails, and for the first time a majority of the Committee on Postoffices and Post Roads showed a disposition to make the reductions. The railroad lobby labored with members of the committee and others to convince them that the pay is not too large, but they failed, and the bill was finally reported with cuts aggregating $12,000,000. Because of the Overstreet resolution, which excepts certain named items from points of order, the reductions will not amount to $2,000,000." What is there about a Republican Congress that it cannot be depended upon to protect the public interests? What is there about a Republican Congress that makes it so willing to do the bidding of special interests whenever the people are not looking? MR. TAFT APPROVED IT ALL Wade H. Ellis, Ohio's Attorney General, and spokesman for Mr. Taft, in defense of the Republican platform, gave to the Associated Press, under date of Columbus, Ohio, June 23, this statement: "The anti-injunction plank, as finally adopted, was written by the friends of Secretary Taft on the sub-committee on resolutions and was approved by the Secretary and the President before it was proposed as a substitute for the original plank on this subject. In fact, every plank and practically every sentence in the Republican platform, as finally adopted, was approved by the Secretary, although those portions referring particularly to the work of the administration were not submitted to the President. Even the unimportant verbal changes between the draft as published before the convention and as finally adopted by the convention were made with the Secretary's knowledge before the tentative draft was sub mitted to the committee. This statement is made in order to make clear the fact that the Republican platform contains no suggestions of a retreat from the Roosevelt policies, stands squarely by the progressive principles of the party and was adopted because it had the emphatic approval of the party's candidate." WHY? In order to avoid the impositions due to the greed of the trust barons, the Government threatened to buy abroad materials to be used in the Panama canal work. In response to a hint from the executive department the Senate Committee on Finance reported a resolution directing that all Panama Canal supplies be purchased in this country "unless the President shall in any case deem the bids or the tenders therefor to be extortionate or unreasonable." Why not give the American people the same privilege which the Government demands for itself? Why not protect the individual consumer from the greed of the tariff barons, even as the Government seeks to protect itself? Why not refuse to let bad enough alone? Why not revise the tariff? "re Governor Cummins of lowa, inaugural address 1902: gard the consequences of a monopoly or substantial monopoly in any important product as infinitely more disastrous than the consequences of foreign importations." How Congress Stood by In his speech of acceptance Mr. Taft said: "In this work Mr. Roosevelt has had the support and sympathy of the Republican party, and its chief hope of success in its present controversy must rest on the confidence which the people of the country have in the sincerity of the party's declaration in its platform that it intends to continue his policies." If Republican success depends upon the sincerity of the Republican leaders and Republican Representatives in Congress, in their advocacy of certain reform legislation recommended by President Roosevelt, then the party cannot and ought not to win this election. On January 31, 1908, President Roosevelt sent to Congress his celebrated special message in which he arraigned in vehement language certain great trusts and trusts managers, denounced their methods and manipulations in severe terms and urged Congress to pass certain specific remedial legislation to check and restrain them. The Republican leaders in the House allowed this remarkable document to lie dormant until April 2, 1908, two months and two days, after it had been transmitted to Congress, and then Mr. Payne, of New York, the Republican floor leader of the House, brought in the following resolution, relating to the special message: Resolution 233. Resolved, That so much of the special message of the President of the United States communicated to the two Houses of Congress on January 31, 1908, as relates to the revenue and the bonded debt of the United States be referred to the Committee on Ways and Means. That so much as relates to the judiciary of the United States, to the administration of justice, to the punishment and prevention of crime, to judicial proceedings, civil and criminal, and to the organization of courts be referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. That so much as relates to commerce and the Isthmian Canal be referred to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce. That so much as relates to the post-office and post-roads be referred to the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads. That so much as relates to the public domain be referred to the Committee on the Public Lands. That so much as relates to labor be referred to the Committee on Labor. That so much as relates to private and domestic claims and demands, other than war claims, against the United States be referred to the Committee on Claims. That so much as relates to reform in the civil service be referred to the Committee on Reform in the Civil Service. That so much as relates to the election of the President, VicePresident, or Representatives in Congress be referred to the Committee on Election of President, Vice-President and Representatives in Congress. Mr. Payne, Republican leader, after discussing the resolution for about three minutes moved the previous question. Mr. Underwood, of Alabama, moved that one hour be allowed for debate. The motion of Mr. Underwood was lost. Mr. Fitzgerrald, of New York, moved that twenty minutes be allowed for debate. The motion of Mr. Fitzgerrald was lost. Mr. Williams, of Mississippi, then moved that ten minutes be allowed for debate. The motion of Mr. Williams was lost. The Democrats present all voted for the motions made by Messrs. Underwood, Fitzgerrald and Williams, and the Republicans present, by a strict party vote, voted against and defeated them. The vote was then taken on Mr. Payne's motion to order the previous question and to go into the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union, to consider the resolution concerning the President's special message and the motion prevailed, the Republicans voting solidly for it and the Democrats against it. The motion sustaining the previous question under the rule of the House cut off all debate and thus the special message of the President of January 31st, in many respects the most remarkable document ever sent to Congress by any President, was considered be fore the Committee of the Whole House, with but one minute's time being allowed for general debate. Does such conduct and action show sincerity on the part of Republican Representatives for the President's policies? Nay, verily. It was an open and flagrant repudiation of them by the unanimous vote of his party in the Lower House of Congress. But that is not all. The action of the House in refusing to allow debate on the President's message did not prevent amendments being offered to the resolution and voted upon. Mr. Williams, of Mississippi, the floor leader of the Democrats, offered several amendments to the resolution, all of which amendments sought to instruct the special committees to which the particular subject or matter mentioned in the President's message were referred to report back to the House bills in keeping with the President's recommendations on the particular subject. The Republicans sought to prevent these amendments being voted upon by raising points of order. When the point of order was not sustained and the amendment went to a vote, the Republicans present voted unanimously against the proposed amendment and the Democrats present voted solidly for it. Thus the Republicans many times in one day went on record against instructing the House Committees to report back to the House bills which in legal effect were in strict keeping with specific recommendations of the President. Can there be a more direct and positive repudiation of the President's policies than will be found in the action of the House Republicans in refusing to allow time for discussion on the President's special message, and in refusing instruct its special committees to report back to the House any in keeping with the President's recommendations as set forth in said message? Such is the record made in the House of Representatives by the President's own party on April 2, 1908. ONLY THIRTY! ONLY THIRTY! When John Sharp Williams Called in Vain for Thirty Republicans to Help Democrats Enact Reform Legislation. The following dispatch carried by the Associated Press ought to be read and re-read by every Republican who yet imagines that relief from trust impositions may be obtained at the hands of the Republican party: "Washington, D. C., April 29.-John Sharp Williams today gave the Republican majority in the House an opportunity to either permit or refuse to permit a vote on the Stevens bill to place wood pulp on the free list. In the course of a cleverly humorous and satirical speech he unrolled and held up to view the following petition to Speaker Cannon, bearing the signatures of 164 of the 166 Democratic members: "We, the undersigned, Representatives in Congress, request each for himself and each for each of the others, that you recognize one of us, or, if you prefer, some other Representative, to move to discharge the Committee on Ways and Means from further consideration of, and to suspend the rules and pass the Stevens bill, or any other bill having the effect to put wood pulp and print paper on the free list.' "Mr. Williams said that the two Democratic members whose names were not appended to the petition were out of town, but efforts were being made to reach them by wire; when their signatures were added, only thirty Republican names would be needed to swell the strength of the petition to the proportions of a majority request, which Mr. Williams said with good-natured sarcasm he felt sure the Speaker would heed. to "After saying that only thirty Republicans were necessary make up the requisite number to pass the bill, Mr. Williams declared that it should be easy to get them because 'almost thirty Republicans had introduced free paper bills,' he said, 'and I know every one of you who introduced a bill meant what you said.' "Quoting the lines from the old hymn: "While the lamp holds out to burn, Mr. Williams proceeded: "If you have been in any manner bull-dozed why think for a second; think of what a short life we live here and how important it is we should be doing things while we live in this brief day of our time. I express a hope that at least thirty of you may sign a petition. If you do not like that petition because my name is on it and the names of Champ Clark and De Armond and Underwood and John |