"-obliged to a strict observance of the public faith while the other might

remain free to deviate from its own engagements as often as convenience "might seem to render such deviation necessary, though at the expense of "its own credit and importance." And he assured Mr. Adams that as soon as his government should evince on their part a disposition to fulfil the treaty, Great Britain would co-operate with him. For the justice of the Marquis' allegations we need only refer to a letter of Mr. Jay to General Washington, in which he confesses, "it is too true, the treaty has been violated." In reply to Mr. Jay we find General Washington exclaiming :— "What a misfortune it is that the British should have so well grounded a pretext "for their infraction; and what a disgraceful part out of the choice of 'difficulties are we to act!"

In no measure was the American system more evident than the predicament in which the creditor was placed. Session after session in the state legislatures were "acts," called "instalment acts," passed, defining the definite periods to which payment of instalments on debts were to be deferred. This was done in actual deñance of the treaty. The conduct of the popular party on this occasion is well described by the learned biographer of Washington-(Marshall):

"These contests were the more animated, because in the state govern"ments, generally, no principle had been introduced which could resist the "wild progress of the moment, or give the people an opportunity to reflect “and allow the good sense of the nation time for reflection."

Such was the want of principle at that time existing that "it was impos"sible to negotiate bonds even where the creditors were unquestionably competent, but at a discount of 30, 40, or 50 per cent."

From their legislatures they expected other acts favorable to the prolongation of payments, and made their election of such men as would pledge themselves to vote for these measures. They even threatened "to suspend "the administration of justice by private violence.".

As to private debts, however, we are bound not to express much surprise when we find, from the authority of Washington himself, that "requisitions" (from the government) are actually little better than a jest and a "by-word throughout the land." Its authority, from Mr. Jay's description of it, seems in general cases to be as weak as in that of requisition for pecuniary advances. "Private rage for property," says that gentleman, suppresses public consideration, and personal rather than national interests have become the great objects of attention. Representative bodies "will ever be faithful copies of their originals, and generally exhibit a chequered assemblage of virtue and vice, of ability and weakness."

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It was under these circumstances that they were compelled to form a stronger government. Such was the critical situation in which they were placed, that we find Washington expressing his wish that "anything, nay, "everything, should be essayed to prevent the effusion of blood and to

"avert the humiliating and contemptible figure we are about to make in the "annals of mankind."

Here we see the great danger they were in, not from British stamp acts or Boston post-bills; not from British armies or British navies, but from American sedition, from American violence. We find that such was the height to which not only opposition to order, but open violation of law, reached as to compel a judge (who had been an officer) to declare at the head of 300 men "that he would die as a general or sit as a judge."

Such was the licentious spirit," the "desire of change," the "wish to annihilate all debts," to exert the force of the poor and the numerous to bear away the property of the few and the more wealthy, that they combined an organized body of 12,000 or 15,000 men.

To such a height did this spirit of insubordination reach that open civil war was expected, and upon the best ground, for the insurrection was not quelled without a recourse to arms, in which several rioters were killed.

It was under such circumstances that had not the magnanimity, the honor and the fidelity of the British Government to engagements been so firm and so exalted, held out the fairest opportunity of regaining the footing it had lost-it was, we say, under such circumstances--that these people formed a government that could act and with effect.

From the British constitution it was avowedly modelled. One of its framers (Dr. Franklin) was accustomed to express his opinion of the old adage that it depended more on the administration than the mere letter of a constitution whether it should produce evil or good. This, the work of his and his compatriots' hands, will fully prove the truth of the sentiment. Washington, as president, from this time, of the new republic, may well be called, "The Father of his Country," its most faithful and honorable adviser. One incident, from among many, to prove our high estimation of him, may be mentioned :

In June, 1793, an English ship was captured by the French and brought into Philadelphia, where she was refitted and armed to cruise against British commerce. The president was at his seat for a few days. Col. Hamilton communicated the fact to Gen. Knox and Mr. Jefferson. Directions were then given to the municipal authorities to detain her until the arrival of Gen. Washington. The French minister, Genet, insolently refused to allow it. Facts proved afterwards he had tampered with a minister who was supported by the people in permitting the vessel to leave a port of the United States, then at peace with England, to prey upon her commerce. This act was applauded at civic fetes, but condemned by Washington, and at last Genet was recalled to France for his act of injustice and violence in the matter. The fall of Robespierre also tended to remove Genet from the United States. Washington determined upon a course of truth and justice to all. His determination and firmness of character could not be overcome by any popular tumult or violent expression. This firmness seems, however, to have been a signal for attacks upon his character.

He was characterized as a tool of Great Britain, and was proclaimed a peculator and thief of the treasury. Where is the gratitude of man to be met with? Posterity will, however, refuse to believe that such baseness ever entered his mind.

No doubt, through Washington, efforts were made in 1796, three years before his death, to transfer the forts of Niagara. Oswego and other places held over by Britain for 13 years. to the authority of the United States, still, in 1802, when the old claims of debts were renewed, it was agreed to give £600,000 as a compensation for £5,000,000!! (This claim had been reduced from £10,000,000!!) This was one of the first acts under Jefferson's administration.

This paper, thus far, has been limited to one subject of history immediately following the revolutionary period and secession of the thirteen states from Great Britain. The Niagara Historical Society, before whom it was read, is to be highly commended for the work and labour of love which it has undertaken-the study and cultivation of Canadian history. The Lundy's Lane Historical Society bids the President and members of the Niagara Society a hearty welcome, as diligent and patriotic students of their country's history.

Let all our efforts tend to promote truth, justice, unity, peace and concord. Then will God bless us our country, our constitution and our gracious Sovereign. For the preservation of this portion of the British Empire, and for the uprightness of her counsellors and administrators of a century, we are thankful. Let our prayers be offered up to Him to whom alone belongs "The weak to strengthen and confound the strong."