1881. 300 Mr. Evarts to Mr. Christiancy (No. Jan. 25 Nentrals: jeopardization of lives and prop- 435 303 Same to same (No. Feb. 10 Desire of United States to bring about 441 123). 306 Same to same (No. Feb. 17 333 Mr. Blaine to Mr. Christiancy (No. རྩེ་ཚུ་ཚུ 143). peace; instructed to urge same upon Scheme of the Société générale de crédit in- 449 May 9 Calderon government: authorizes recogni- 495 tion of. Same to same (No. May 12 Forced loans: non-liability of Americans 495 334 3.9 Mr. Blaine to Mr. Hurlbut (No. 2). June 15 Peace question; instructed to encourage 346 Same to same (No. Aug. 4 7). 500 Claims of United States citizens vs. Peru, 508 Ang. 27 Recognition of Mr. Elmore; credentials may 517 Aug. 31 Recognition of Mr. Elmore; copy of creden- 519 362 Mr. Hitt to Mr. Oct. 13 Elmore. Peace question; may call at Department 534 1881. 366 367 Mr. Blaine to Mr. Oct. 27 Hurlbut gram). (tele Financial schemes; "Influence of your posi- 545 Same to same (tele- Oct. 31 Calderon government; "Continue to recog- 545 371 Same to same (No. Νον. 17 374 675 Same to same (No. Nov. 19 nize Calderon government until other- Claim of United States citizens vs. Peru; 561 Financial schemes: explains Department's 564 Same to same (No. Nov. 22 Peace question; disapproves memorandum 565 Nov. 26 addressed by him to Admiral Lynch, and Peace question; "Special envoy leaves 574 574 Peace question; note of 18th instant re- 3 Coaling stations; strongly disapproves 577 383 Mr. Blaine to Mr. Hurlbut (No. 26). 1881. Dec. 5 394 Mr. Blaine to Mr. Sept. 5 396 579 Cochet heirs: Claim vs. Peru, upon which Same to same (tele- Nov. 14 Chili-Peruvian war: full account of any 599 428 Mr. Evarts to Mr. Suarez. interview he has had recently with 1879. (3) CUBA. § 60. 701 "In the war between France and Spain, now commencing, other interests, peculiarly ours, will in all probability be deeply involved. Whatever may be the issue of this war as between those two European powers, it may be taken for granted that the dominion of Spain upon the American continents, north and south, is irrevocably gone. But the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico still remain nominally, and so far really, dependent upon her, that she yet possesses the power of transferring her own dominion over them, together with the possession of them, to others. These islands, from their local position are natural appendages to the North American continent, and one of them (Cuba) almost in sight of our shores, from a multitude of considerations has become an object of transcendent importance to the commercial and political interests of our Union. Its commanding position, with reference to the Gulf of Mexico and the West India seas; the character of its population; its situation midway between our southern coast and the island of San Domingo; its safe and capacious harbor of the Havana, fronting a long line of our shores destitute of the same advantage; the nature of its productions and of its wants, furnishing the supplies and needing the returns of a commerce immensely profitable and mutually beneficial, give it an importance in the sum of our national interests with which that of no other foreign territory can be compared, and little inferior to that which binds the different members of this Union together. Such, indeed, are, between the interests of that island and of this country, the geographical, commercial, moral, and political relations formed by nature, gathering, in the process of time, and even now verging to maturity, that, in looking forward to the probable course of events for the short period of half a century, it is scarcely possible to resist the conviction that the annexation of Cuba to our Federal Republic will be indispensable to the continuance and integrity of the Union itself. "It is obvious, however, that for this event we are not yet prepared. Numerous and formidable objections to the extension of our territorial dominions beyond sea present themselves to the first contemplation of the subject; obstacles to the system of policy by which alone that result can be compassed and maintained are to be foreseen and sur mounted, both from at home and abroad; but there are laws of political as well as of physical gravitation; and if an apple, severed by the tempest from its native tree, cannot choose but fall to the ground, Cuba, forcibly disjoined from its own unnatural connection with Spain, and incapable of self-support, can gravitate only towards the North American Union, which, by the same law of nature, cannot cast her off from its bosom. "In any other state of things than that which springs from this incipient war between France and Spain, these considerations would be premature. They are now merely touched upon to illustrate the posi tion that, in the war opening upon Europe, the United States have deep and important interests involved, peculiarly their own. The condition of Cuba cannot but depend upon the issue of this war. As an integral part of the Spanish territories, Cuba has been formally and solemnly invested with the liberties of the Spanish constitution. To destroy those liberties, and to restore, in the stead of that constitution, the dominion of the Bourbon race, is the avowed object of this new invasion of the Peninsula. There is too much reason to apprehend that, in Spain itself, this unhallowed purpose will be attended with immedi ate, or at least with temporary success. The constitution of Spain will be demolished by the armies of the Holy Alliance, and the Spanish nation will again bow the neck to the yoke of bigotry and despotic sway. Whether the purposes of France, or of her continental allies, extend to the subjugation of the remaining ultramarine possessions of Spain or not, has not yet been sufficiently disclosed. But to confine ourselves to that which immediately concerns us-the condition of the Island of Cuba we know that the republican spirit of freedom prevails among its inhabitants. The liberties of the constitution are to them rights in possession; nor is it to be presumed that they will be willing to surren der them, because they may be extinguished by foreign violence in the parent country. As Spanish territory, the island will be liable to invasion from France during the war; and the only reasons for doubting whether the attempt will be made, are the probable incompetency of the French maritime force to effect the conquest, and the probability that its accomplishment would be resisted by Great Britain. In the mean time, and at all events, the condition of the island in regard to that of its inhabitants is a condition of great, imminent, and complicated danger; and without resorting to speculation upon what such a state of things must produce upon a people so situated, we know that its approach has already had a powerful effect upon them, and that the question, what they are to do upon contingencies daily pressing upon them, and ripening into reality, has for the last twelve months constantly excited their attention and stimulated them to action. Were the population of the island of one blood and color, there could be no doubt or hesitation with regard to the course which they would pursue, as dictated by their interests and their rights; the invasion of Spain by France would be the signal for their declaration of independence. That even in their present state it will be imposed upon them as a necessity is not unlikely; but among all their reflecting men it is admitted, as a maxim fundamental to all deliberation upon their future condition, that they are not competent to a system of permanent self-dependence; they must rely for the support of protection upon some force from without; and in the event of the overthrow of the Spanish constitution, that support can no longer be expected from Spain-their only alternative of dependence must be upon Great Britain or upon the United States. “Hitherto the wishes of this Government have been that the connection between Cuba and Spain should continue as it has existed for several years; these wishes are known to the principal inhabitants of the island, and instructions, copies of which are now furnished you, were some months since transmitted to Mr. Forsyth, authorizing him in a suitable manner to communicate them to the Spanish Government. These wishes still continue, so far as they can be indulged with a rational foresight of events beyond our control, but for which it is our duty to be prepared. If a Government is to be imposed by foreign violence upon the Spanish nation, and the liberties which they have as serted by their constitution are to be crushed, it is neither to be expected nor desired that the people of Cuba, far from the reach of the oppress ors of Spain, should submit to be governed by them. Should the cause of Spain itself issue more propitiously than from its present prospects can be anticipated, it is obvious that the trial through which she must pass at home, and the final loss of ail her dominions on the Amer ican continents, will leave her unable to extend to the Island of Cuba that protection necessary for its internal security and its outward de fense. "Great Britain has formally withdrawn from the councils of the Eu ropean alliance in regard to Spain; she disapproves the war which they have sanctioned, and which is undertaken by France, and she avows her determination to defend Portugal against the application of the prin ciples upon which the invasion of Spain raises its only pretense of right. |