Winston

Churchill, the Home Secretary, cogently pointed out the disadvantages of the voluntary system.

There is, however, a powerful feeling against the scheme in any form. The malcontents

urge that it is placing a premium on unemployment, and has a tendency to create pa upers. Even some of the

the workman, so they also maintain. But under state control no such qualms need be entertained. Drastic measures will be formulated for dealing with the won'twork-at-any-price, and already labor colonies have been advocated for those worthies which so sully the reputation of the genuine working man.

When the municipally subsidized unemployment insurance scheme was inaugurated in the German city of Cologne a very effectual barrier was raised against the hobo. In the first place it was only re

better class workmen are opposed to the idea, as they see visions of the wasters, and work-shys benefitting at the expense of the bona-fide industrious who would willingly work if they could. hits at the sturdy independence which has always been the chief characteritsic of

It

stricted to

the winter

months, and

unless the person thrown out of employment had resided for a year within the city, followed a definite trade, and had paid his subscriptions regularly for thirty-four weeks in the year, he failed to qualify for any benefit. Then again if his premiums fell four weeks into arrears he also failed to receive any benefits. In this particular case the unemployed receives 50 cents a day

for the first twenty days of enforced idleness, followed by 25 cents a day for another twenty-eight days. He can only receive benefit therefore for a sixth of the year at the utmost. The scheme is admirably administered but its sphere of influence is so severely limited that the

idea is to be completely remodeled, as it imposes hardships where none were originally intended or suspected. In the process of overhaul it is being endeavored to place the arrangement on all fours with the scheme in vogue at Ghent in Belgium, and which is generally considered to be the most efficient system of voluntary unemployed insurance.

This scheme was formulated ten years ago, and it has so improved from year to year that it is generally regarded as the nearest approach to the ideal solution of the idea, that is upon voluntary lines that has yet been evolved. But the drawbacks incidental to voluntary assistance are just as accentuated in Ghent, as at all other places where it has been copied.

There is a management committee appointed by the municipality and the contribution is based upon a percentage of what the unemployed workman receives from his union, for the assistance is extended to him through the trade unions, so that the genuinely deserving may reap the real benefit. Just what this percentage shall be is determined once a month, and is governed by the determination of means and necessities, but in any case the assistance cannot exceed one hundred per cent of that afforded by the union, or nineteen cents per day per man. Such

may be paid for a maximum of sixty days in one year. Certain conditions are imposed to coincide with local requirements, but taken on the whole the system works smoothly-at least as much so as it is possible with a voluntary system.

The great difficulty in any insurance scheme is to determine whether the unemployment is due to any cause beyond the man's own control, and the decision of what is "suitable work" for a person in search of such. Certain specific rules must be laid down to govern these points in any rational state scheme. Such is admitted. But how can these points be decided? Well in this respect the British government have elaborated a safe and sure method with the newly opened labor exchanges, designed to bring employers in need of workmen in one part of the country into touch with mechanics looking for work and residing in another. James Robinson is thrown out of employment at Steeltown because parts of the works are closed down for lack of orders. Ironville, two or three hundred miles away, is humming with a glut of work, and a sufficient number of hands cannot be obtained locally. Now it is obvious that if Robinson could be transferred to Ironville he could set to work as there is an opening for him. This is

precisely what the labor exchanges do. Robinson after leaving his job at Steeltown goes to the labor exchanges in that town, and registers his name. He gives full particulars concerning his qualifications which the officials enter up in as detailed a manner as if he were a prisoner entering a penitentiary. In return Robinson receives a ticket which is available for a certain period, at the lapse of which he must make another appearance. The employer at Ironville, looking for men, communicates with the labor exchange in Ironville, gives detailed particulars as to just what class of artizans he requires. These are circulated to labor exchanges in all other centers, among them Steeltown. Robinson is communicated with and is informed that he can get a job at such-and-such a wage at Ironville. He is willing to take it, but unfortunately has not the wherewithal to get to Ironville. The labor exchange provides the necessary, and he is transported to Ironville, repaying his advance for transportation charges from his wages in a certain period. In this effective manner employer and employee are brought into communication in every and any industry. There are no charges to either one side or the other, and the

state financial advances are made without interest.

By such means the government finds out exactly who are genuine unemployed and who are work-shies. Smith, also thrown out of work at Steeltown for the same reason as Robinson and in the same trade, has an equal opportunity to go to Ironville. He refuses to do so, preferring to kick his heels about Steeltown where there is no work and not likely to be for some time. He is living on the relief of his union, and at heart does not intend to work, if he can help it, for a time, preferring a holiday at someone else's expense, i. e. his union. In due course his ticket of registration at the labor exchange expires and he applies for a new one. the exchange the officials refer to his original docket, find that work was offered to him on such and such a date, why did he not take it? Smith hums and haws, but the official is inexorable. He wants a straight answer. Smith proffers an excuse. Very well we'll investigate, and the machinery is set in motion. Smith receives, in due course, intimation from his union that he is not playing the game, and further excuses proving abortive, he finds his union relief summarily

At

A HOPELESS CASE.

stopped, on the plea that he is a shirker. Moreover he is black-balled at the labor exchange, and unless he instantly mends his ways he finds himself catalogued among the hoboes. With the national scheme of insurance against unemployment Smith would under these circumstances find himself in a very unenviable position, for the state has guaranteed absolutely that no assistance whatever will be granted to any but the bona-fide unemployed. Such men as Smith, when the scheme gets under way will find that "won't work" will mean "made-to-work," for the state labor colonies for the loafer, must be an inevitable corollary to the insurance system, to rid the community at large from a pestilential

nuisance.

ward the claim of a black-leg, however deserving it might be. But why should the non-unionist suffer, and why should he be compelled to join a union if his inclinations are opposed thereto? Norway and Denmark set themselves to answer this question. By their arrangements relief is extended to the unorganized working classes as well. This position is adequately met by the compulsion levied upon the unions to receive premiums for insurance upon exactly the same terms as unionists from non-members. But on the other hand nonmembers are not permitted to have any voice in the elaboration of rules governing its administration, and if the union takes over the responsibility and cost of disbursing relief, well, the non-members have to pay for it, to the extent of an increase of ten per cent in the amount of their premium. If this increase is not sufficient the government can decide that the premium shall be enhanced fifteen per cent.

This attempt to deal equitably with unionists and non-unionists provoked bitter political warfare. The scheme was legislated in 1906 in Norway and the social democrats fought the point tooth and nail. They even went so far as to introduce a bill to repeal this obligation to carry out the insurance of unorganized work-people, although the latter were paying their own way, but it met with ignominious defeat. Bitterly mortified at this turn of affairs the unions point blank refused to assist the government, and it was not until the state undertook to increase its subvention from twentyfive to thirty-three per cent of the benefits paid that they came into line.

On the other hand, in Denmark the matter has proceeded on smoother lines. but only because the trades unions there are so strong. Probably there is no