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It is to induce our friends to act upon this important and universally acknowledged truth that we urge the adoption of the convention system. Reflection will prove that there is no other way of practically applying it. In its application we know there will be incidents temporarily painful; but, after all, those incidents will be fewer and less intense than without the system. If two friends aspire to the same office it is certain that both cannot succeed. Would it not, then, be much less painful to have the question decided by mutual friends some time before, than to snarl and quarrel until the day of election, and then both be beaten by the common enemy?

Before leaving this subject, we think proper to remark that we do not understand the resolution as intended to recommend the application of the convention system to the nomination of candidates for the small offices no way connected with politics; though we must say we do not perceive that such an application of it would be wrong.

52. The Municipal Boss

evolved.

The maintenance of party organization and the conduct of How the vigorous campaigns necessitate leadership, and leadership implies boss has concentration of power and discipline in the ranks. In every great municipality, where there are numerous offices to fill and important franchises and privileges to be granted, the struggle for the possession and retention of political power is intense, and out of the conflict has evolved the city boss, the plenitude of whose power is thus described by Mr. Bourke Cockran in a speech delivered in New York City in 1898 in defense of an independent judiciary: —

Executive and legislative power

trated in the

Now much has been said about bosses and bossism. But it must be remembered that we are not assembled here to contest the existence of a boss-ship, but rather to prevent the extension concenof its powers over the judiciary. All the powers of this municipality, executive and legislative, are centred in the hands of the individual who rules the destinies of the local Democracy, in the hands of the boss, and there it will remain whatever may be

boss.

The

nominal and the

real government.

The sources of the boss's power.

the outcome of this canvass. But the reserved rights of the citizen - his right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness are still his property and will remain his property just so long as there are independent judges to defend them, and no longer. It is, therefore, said that the elementary rights of citizenship, the right of the citizen to enjoy his individual privileges by virtue of the constitution under which he lives, or the necessity of his seeking them from the favor of the boss, exercised and dispensed through his dependents on the bench, all depend on the outcome of this election.

What is this government of ours? Where can we find a parallel to it? Nowhere in the history of other nations or other races. A nominal government is installed in the City Hall; the actual government is administered in the Democratic club. Officers are sworn and appointed to discharge certain functions and to a certain extent they do discharge them; but outside of the mere routine duties of their departments every exercise of discretionary power is controlled and prescribed by the private individual who is not under the necessity of even recording his decrees or acknowledging them.

Ten thousand men are in the employment of the City Government, whose appointments, in contemplation of the law, are supposed to spring from various departments, and they themselves are supposed to be responsible for these departments, but each one holds his office through the favor, or at least the forbearance of the boss, whose decrees, though unregistered, are more powerful than the law, yet whose existence is not recognised by the law, whose nod can make a fortune or unmake a career. Every financial interest in this great city courts his favor and dreads his hostility. If to-day he was to declare he needed a million dollars for political purposes, before next Friday two million dollars would be furnished. If anybody refused to give him the position to which he thought he was entitled, that person might find an engine house erected in his back yard. It is only necessary for an individual to fall under his displeasure to have 10,000 sets of wits planning to

attract the favor of the boss by annoying the object of his resentment.

restraint of

the boss.

It is only fair and simple justice that, I should say, considering The selfhis opportunities, considering his power, that our boss may well declare with Lord Clive, "Considering my opportunities, I am amazed at my own moderation." Conceive for a moment his position, and then tell me if he be not rather entitled to praise for forbearance than blame for excess. I do not believe in boss government, but I believe that under existing conditions it is inevitable. I do not believe that the boss has created the boss-ship which he administers. He is not the source of it; he is the product of it. Why, the first speech I ever delivered in Tammany Hall, I delivered against the measure which I then foresaw would result in the creation of despotic powers in this community, to which I now attribute the existence of the boss-ship as it flourishes and dominates us, and nobody applauded me more heartily than the individual who now is the boss of Tammany Hall. I do not want any particular change in bosses. All bosses look alike to me. [Prolonged laughter and applause.]

in the courts

Each one of us has rights, privileges, immunities, which are ours, The hope is secure from the interference of any boss, even though he control the executive and legislative departments of the city and state, so long as the judges are virtuous, free, and independent. But let the power of the boss be extended over the judiciary, let the judges be taught that their prospects of re-nomination, and of promotion depend not upon loyalty to the people, but upon obedience to the boss and our rights and our privileges are no longer ours to be enjoyed while we obey the laws of our country, but they become the favor that we may enjoy from the forbearance or favor of a boss.

53. The Parts of a State Political Machine

Before the first half of the nineteenth century had elapsed, that necessity for party unity against the common enemy, which Lincoln had pointed out to his colleagues in Illinois, led to an organi

zation of a system of committees and conventions for every politi cal subdivision in the Union in which officers were to be elected. It has often happened that this magnificent organization has fallen into the hands of office seekers, professional politicians, and private persons seeking gain at public expense. The following statement from the pen of an experienced political worker, Mr. Wanamaker, indicates the manner in which a powerful party machine may be constructed by an astute leader :

Part A.-A Republican State Committee, which in every part is subjugated to serve the personal interests of Senator Quay first and the party next, without respect to the will of the people.

Part B. Great prestige and patronage, controlled by Quay as a United States Senator, with two votes, his own and the other. Part C.-Thirty Congressmen, with their secretaries, sixty persons, whose salaries aggregate $180,000 annually, and who are responsible to the machine for their respective districts.

Part D. The 419 officers and employees of the State government, who receive in salaries $1,034,500 annually, and who are selected only because they are supposed to be able to deliver the votes of their districts to any one the Quay machine dictates. These men are all assessed by the bosses.

Part E. The State Senate, with every officer, from president pro tem down to page-boys, selected to do the machine's bidding. The expenses of the Senate last year were $169,604.

Part F. The State House of Representatives, with members, officers and employees, 257 in number, who drew $468,302 last year. All committees are selected by the machine, and are chairmened by men who know no will but that of Senator Quay. Thus his machine absolutely controls all revenue and tax legislation.

Part G.-8122 post-offices, with salaries amounting to $3,705,446. Most postmasters are made the personal agents of the machine in their respective towns.

Part H. 4149 county offices, a majority of whom are controlled by Senator Quay's machine, whose salaries amount to $5,000,000.

Part I.-The Philadelphia Mint, with 438 employees, who receive in yearly salaries $326,565.

Part J.-The offices of Collector of Port, with 400 employees, who receive in salaries $454,000.

Part K.-The internal revenue offices, with 281 employees, who receive in salaries $356,400.

Part L.-The United States Circuit and District Courts, with forty-one employees, who receive in salaries $95,000.

Part M.-League Island Navy Yard and Senate arsenals, with 585 employees, who receive in salaries $725,000, making a total of 14,705 officers and employees, who receive from the State and and National Governments $7,609,911 annually.

Part N.-The thousands of trustees, other officials and employees of hospitals, State and private; State prisons, reformatories, State asylums, charitable homes, State colleges, normal schools, soldiers' orphans' schools, scientific institutes and museums who are expected to support the machine, or the appropriations of their institutions will be endangered.

Part O. The combined capital of the brewers of the State, their thousands of employees and dependent patrons whom they control. It is alleged to have been the money of the brewers that paid the large sums during Superintendent of Mint Boyer's administration as State Treasurer necessary to make good shortages which saved the machine when his cashier, Mr. Livesey, became a fugitive from justice.

Part P. Besides the amounts paid for salaries of State officers which have already been accounted for, the Appropriation Committee, who are of Quay's personal selection, disburse $10,000,000 annually to schools, hospitals, penal institutions, etc. The bold manipulation of these funds for the benefit of the machine has educated people to regard moneys received for these purposes as personal contributions from Senator Quay, in return for which they must render help to his machine.

Part Q.-The State Liquor League, whose members are in every city, town, hamlet, and crossroads throughout the State,

K

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