Can the

Ohio vote

The Presiding Officer: The gentleman will state his point of order.

Mr. Moore: I desire the ruling of the Chair upon the question be divided? whether or not the vote of Ohio can be cast as a unit. The dis trict delegates are chosen in Ohio, not as they are in New York or Indiana, by delegates elected to the State Convention, but by Congressional Conventions held prior to the time of the holding of the State Convention. My point is that the State Convention therefore had no right to instruct these delegates.

The Chair lays down the rule.

Second, the rule, as the Chair will observe, is a modified one. It does not impose upon the delegates the necessity of voting as a unit.

I desire the ruling of the Chair. The district delegates receive their credentials at the District Conventions, held at separate times, by delegates separately chosen, and in no wise hold their credentials from the State Convention. Therefore, our contention is that the State Convention had no power to impose the unit rule upon them.

The Presiding Officer: The Chair overrules the point of order. By express rule of the Democratic Convention, the delegates come from a State and not from districts. Under the call for delegates to this Convention, each State is allowed as many delegates as it has Senators and Representatives, multiplied by two; and those delegates are the delegates of the State and not the delegates of the districts, no matter how chosen. And even if the call itself did not determine the point of order, the express rule of Democratic National Conventions does determine.

The point of order is overruled, and the poll of the Ohio delegation showing that Parker has received twenty-eight of the forty-six votes to which that State is entitled in this Convention, the vote of Ohio will stand as announced by the Chairman of that delega tion [i.e. forty-six for Parker].

69. The Chairman of the National Committee

The direction of the presidential campaign falls principally on the chairman of the national committee, who is selected by the presidential candidate of the party in consultation with his eading advisers. The power of this extra-legal officer in managng political affairs is thus described by Mr. Rollo Ogden in the Atlantic Monthly:

and the

Senator Hanna has outstripped all his predecessors in making Mr. Hanna he chairmanship of the national committee a centre of political campaign of power. Happy accidents have conspired with great skill and 1896. letermination on his part to bring about such a consummation. He has now [1902] held the office continuously for five yearsndeed practically for seven years. It was in 1893 or 1894 that Ir. Hanna, then little known outside of Ohio, set about in his ong-headed and far-planning way, the election of Mr. McKinley o the presidency. He perceived the thickening signs of a politial reaction and in them he saw the great opportunity for his riend Mr. McKinley, and also for himself. The history of that ampaign before the campaign of 1896 has never been written; ut enough of it is known to show the signal ability and resolution with which it was planned and fought. Long before the Repubcan convention met, old masters like Senators Chandler, Quay nd Platt recognized the rise of a political manipulator greater han themselves. This is referred to at present only to make the -oint that Mr. Hanna was party chairman in fact two years before e became so in name.

In the course of those preliminary manoeuvres he had swept everyhing before him so that his accession to the chairmanship was oregone. On the heels of that came his election to the Senate. This both heightened his prestige and put him in a position to ssert and extend his power as National Chairman. In the latter apacity (counting his two years or more of antecedent campaignng for the nomination of Mr. McKinley in 1896) he had made a ost of pre-election pledges. His post in the Senate enabled him

Sources of the chair

man's power.

to see that they were carried out. Never, it is safe to say, did a party chairman previously have so much to do with the apportionment of party patronage. The president gave him substantially a free hand in the South. Then there came along the Spanish war, yielding our Cæsar chairman further meat on which to grow great. Thousands of new appointments had to be made. For each applicant the endorsement of Chairman Hanna was eagerly sought. His power grew by power. After four years of its gradual increase came another successful campaign for the presidency under his management.

It is difficult to set off, each by itself, the elements of the political power of the party national committee, vested largely in its chairman, for the reason that they are all inextricably interdependent. The chairman has the spending of vast sums of money: this gives him political power. But he has the money to spend only because he is first in a position of political power. So of his rights of patronage; of control of party conventions, big and little; of his dictation in both party manoeuvring and public legislation: all these things dovetail into one another and appear now as a cause, now as a consequence. ... He has, for example, millions of dollars to disburse. There is good authority for the assertion that the Republican campaign fund of 1896 was upwards of seven millions of dollars. Mr. Hanna argued in 1900 that it ought to be twice as great, - presumably because the country was twice as prosperous. At all events, he was not cramped for funds in either year. Now the outlay of such huge sums necessarily means an increment of power for the man who controls it. Such will be the case if he is the most unselfish and incorruptible of mortals. Money is power in politics as everywhere else. A chairman who may determine how much is to be allotted to this state, that congressional district, this city and the other county, becomes inevitably the master of many political legions. There is no need of a hard-and-fast understanding between the giver and the recipient, least of all any corrupt bargain. Common gratitude and the expectation of similar favors to come are enough

bind fast the nominee for congress, the candidate for a senatorp, or the member of the national committee for any given state, part of whose campaign expenses has been kindly paid for him. m headquarters. It is really hard to think ill of the man who 3 sent you a large check. To oppose your humble opinion to necessarily large and enlightened view of party policy and blic advantage is sheer presumption. To vote for him or with n or as he bids you is thereafter obviously the line of least retance. Thus it is that the bread which the national chairman

man and

sts upon the waters returns to him after not so many days. The pecuniary aspect of the chairman's power has another The chair ture. He collects as well as pays out; and with many of the party lections goes an express or tacit party obligation which he alone finance. fully cognizant of, and which it is his particular duty to see ried out. Rich men do not always contribute to party in obedice to the Scriptural injunction to give, asking not again. They ke conditions either openly, or by hint, or gesture. . . . Our n wealthy contributors to the party treasury have been suscted of coupling their gifts with an understanding about the iff, about the seal fisheries, about ship subsidies and what not. is not necessary to go into this.

70. The National Campaign*

The waging of a great contest designed to influence millions of ters is a remarkable undertaking, the character of which may partially estimated by this account of the methods adopted by - Republican party organization in the memorable "campaign education," in 1896:

Since the beginning of the campaign the Republican National The pamphlet literammittee has issued the astounding total of over two hundred ture. lions of copies of documents. There were also issued, under e direction of the same committee, about fifty million copies of cuments from the headquarters of the Republican Congresnal Campaign Committee at Washington. All this work has

of Publication and Printing. re than 275 pamphlets and leaflets, eets of cartoons, inscriptions and other

ases of the campaign issues. The s was generally made through the -out 20,000 express packages of docu000 freight packages, and probably

These documents were printed Italian, Swedish, Norwegian, Finwell as in English.

-well

epartment of the Republican Liter20t end with the preparation of the Jesion has been made, but some notion may be had when the fact is stated try newspapers, with an aggregate o, received three and a half columns every week; another list of country Agate weekly circulation of about eer; three special classes of country es were supplied with statements aggrecies every week, and lastly, a special sers received "ready prints"- the entire

bout 4,000,000 copies. Hundreds of ed in a large measure for their political upon the Publication and Printing ed under the direction of this bureau. every week 5,000,000 families received

434inds containing political matter furnished -probably three times the aggregate in volume y newspaper work ever before conducted by a