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We Guarantee its Superiority. We also have the largest and finest stock of typewriter supplies in the world. Send for illustrated pamphlet and sample book our linen papers. YCKOFF, SEAMANS & BENEDICT, 339 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. Sample Card containing one of each of the above Peus sent for trial, postpaid, on receipt of 6 cts, in stamps IVISON, BLAKEMAN & CO., 753 and 755 Broadway, New York. ATAIN & PROUT, PRINTERS, NEW YORK. NORTH AMERICAN AMERICAN REVIEW. No. CCCLXVI!. JUNE, 1887. PARTIES AND INDEPENDENTS. IF twenty or more intelligent gentlemen-several of whom would certainly be independents-finding themselves by chance together in any part of the country, should discuss the prospects of the election of Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Blaine in 1888, these two questions, about equally perplexing, would at once present themselves: 1. Which do the people prefer? 2. What are the chances that the parties will allow the true wishes of the people to prevail in the nominations and elections? These gentlemen would thus, without either of them, perhaps, noticing the profound significance of the fact, recognize party interests and aims as something distinct from those of the people-as a vast, separate, political force to be dealt with. Thus distinction and antagonism are emphasized by the remarks so frequently heard, that the Democratic party-referring to it, of course, in a technical sense, as speaking by its partisan managers is probably opposed to the re-nomination of Mr. Cleveland, and that the Republican party-in the same sense, and speaking in the same way-is probably in favor of the nomination of Mr. Blaine; while it is generally believed that the people, for whom these managers respectively assume to speak, would, if allowed a free expression of their wishes at the polls, elect Mr. VOL. CXLIV.-No. 367. 36 Cleveland and defeat Mr. Blaine. In another article, I may, perhaps, refer to the probable consequences in the next election of this curious state of public opinion; but now a still more important aspect of political parties must engage our attention, after considering which, we may, possibly, have a clearer view of the significance of the contest to be waged in 1888, and of the partisan and Independent forces which will take part in it. The facts referred to make it plain that political parties, as we now have them, are by no means what they should be; that is, convenient agencies for combining and expressing on a grand scale and with a true freedom the real views and interests of the people. They are very generally regarded as highly complicated organizations through which politicians are enabled to make themselves a great power for their own benefit and for coercing and baffling the people. We need not stop to consider how disastrous it is to the purity and dignity of all political and official life, to have, in the whole domain of politics, the largest and highest expression of national sentiment thus weighed down and suppressed by a vast selfish organization, pretending to act for the common good and in the spirit of patriotism. The specific evils thus produced are not confined to the long and alarming array of abuses and corruptions which have been more and more in recent years charged against party managers and their vicious methods. These evils have developed a vicious antagonism, on the part of great numbers of worthy people, toward all parties, as being needless, even if they be not dangerous, enemies of the State. A recently published volume, taking this ground, has been largely sold; and, what is yet worse, a large and increasing number of patriotic citizens are declining to vote or to take any active part in politics, because, as they charge, vicious manipulation, corrupt barter of votes for places, and mere management and intrigue, under the control of partisans and demagogues, great and small, defeat all disinterested efforts for the public welfare. Public opinion now tends to such disastrous extremes as prevail concerning the liquor question; that is, to the formation of a party against party itself. The late elections in the several cities in the West and in Rhode Island, where the Independents have defeated the parties, the enactment of laws in several States for diminishing the frequency of party elections by increasing the terms of governors and judges, the making of the ses sions of the Legislatures of many States biennial, the acts-lately passed in several States-for subjecting party caucuses and conventions to penal provisions, the exclusion of various subjects from legislation by constitutional amendments, the passage of the Civil Service acts by Congress and by the States of New York and Massachusetts for the suppression of partisan removals and appointments, and the collection of political assessments-thereby eliminating powerful elements of party despotism and corruption. -the rapidly increasing numbers of independent periodicals and journals, and the greater boldness and vigor of the criticism of party methods (even on the part of what may be called party journals) which now demands that the State, and not the parties, shall furnish all ballots and pay, in part, at least, and rigorously limit and regulate election expenses-all these facts are not only decisive evidence that the independent sentiment which decided the elections of 1884 is deeply seated in the public mind, and likely to continue, but that there is a profound purpose to suppress by law the despotism, venality, and usurpations of political parties. Nearly the whole periodical literature of the country is now substantially independent in politics-if, indeed, there is a single periodical of any rank which does not condemn the theories. and methods of our party managers generally. We have but to go over the names of the most recent and successful journals in New York, Boston, Philadelphia, and all the great political centres to discover that they maintain an independence of parties comparatively rare not long ago. It was the state of feeling thus indicated which made the results of the last elections possible, and no thoughtful man will overlook it when considering the probable results in 1888. These questions at once present themselves. Whether the attempt should be made to suppress parties? Whether the parties we have are a legitimate growth, and are in harmony with our government? Whether parties may be so organized and managed as not to be oppressive, but to fairly combine and effectively express the opinions and interests of the people? Let us consider these questions. It is useless to talk about suppressing parties. Parties of some kind will always exist. It is as much a right of persons having convictions and interests in common in the sphere of politics to combine and act lawfully together as it is for those having views in common to thus unite |