felves in fome of the richeft and happiest counties, where no wants exift but those infeparable from fociety. But can it be fuppofed that the turbulent there do not find fome pretexts to juftify their conduct, to themselves, and to one another? Can we doubt but that thofe of them

who pay the lowest rent think ftill that they pay too much; and that they who receive the largest wages think they ought to have more? To fuch, this indefinite refolution of the Whig Club will appear juft as applicable, and, confequently, will be matter of as mifchievous encouragement as to the most really wretched cottagers in the province of Connaught.

Let the exiftence of diftrefs be ever fo incontrovertible, yet if infurrection has become connected with it, though relief ought, as far as poffible, ftill to be afforded, it ought to be done with cautious hefitancy, and the most delicate management. The greateft diftreffes which the poorest inhabitants of this kingdom are liable to cannot be fo bad, fo really injurious to themfelves, as an habitual spirit of infurgency. But the ftrongest encouragement that can be given to fuch a spirit is to allow the infurgents room to think that they have gained their point by their own exertions. Relief in this way, however equitable in every other view, inftead of confer

ring comfort, cherishes vice and mifery, puts those who have received it into a worse state, on the whole, than they were in before, and makes provifion for everlafting outrages and depredations. If, then, the Whig Club, or any other Club, were ever fo fully convinced that there was diftress in the Country, and if their eagerness to relieve it were ever fo ardent, ftill common fense and honeft policy, and even mere mercy, would point out a quiet filent procedure, a fecret inveftigation, a rigid abftinence from publicity, and (when the time should be ripe for propofing the measure) fuch a mode of introduction as would have no tendency to connect the idea of those relieved.

It is fo wonderful that the Whig Club, furnished as it is, with grave and learned men, fhould overlook, or rather act in the most direct contradiction to, thefe obvious principles, that good nature would be ready to attribute it to their want of experience as a charitable affociation.

But farther; let the existence of diftrefs be ever fo certain, it is no better than refined cruelty to hold out a profpect of relief, unless it be tolerably certain that the fcheme of mercy can be realized. Does any fuch certainty exist at prefent? Or is there ground to believe that those

who

who are in diftrefs could be relieved by any legiflative act? Report fays, that the present movements of the Whig Club are to pave the way for bringing into Parliament fome fuch plan for regulating the wages of day labourers as has been talked of in England. This may certainly furnish a good topic for oppofition to display its philanthropy upon; but, even at first view, its utility appears highly questionable, and its practicability still more fo. It is acknow→ ledged that it is only in fome places where fuch a measure could be neceffary, that is, where the wages of labourers are unreasonably low. But what causes them to be low in fuch places? Is it not chiefly the want of employment? The price of labour, like that of every other marketable commodity, finds its own level. Where the work to be done requires all hands in a country, but no more, then the pay is at its natural medium. When it requires more hands than can eafily be had, (as is the cafe in the United States of America,) then wages rife proportionably. When it can be done by fewer hands, as is the cafe in the diftricts in queftion, the market of labourers becomes glutted, and the price falls accordingly. What, then, will a law for regulating wages avail, fo long as there is not fufficient employment? We fee now, in the far greater part of this kingdom, where there is

enough

enough of labour, that'no fuch law is requifite; and, by parity of reafon, where there is not enough of labour it will not be effectual.

It may even injure instead of serving; because it may make the little labour, which even as it is keeps the cottager from ftarving, ftill lefs. If, low as the wages are, the occupant of land, from a hope of greater profit, turns from tillage to grazing, when the expence of tillage is increased, by law, his motive to do fo will be ftill ftronger. The only rational profpect of relief muft arife from the increase of tillage, which will remedy the evil by furnishing employment, And any law, however fpecious, which would check the progrefs of tillage, would be a curfe instead of a bleffing. But were fuch a law to be enacted, the probability is that it would do neither good nor hurt. Where moft needed it would be leaft enforced, and the day-labourer would unite with his employer to elude it. The law could not oblige any one to employ labourers, and the unfortunate peafant would prefer fix-pence, or even four-pence, a day, to nothing at all.

But the only prefent resource against this evil might be fought in the good fenfe and humanity of the employers; and, probably, it would have found a remedy in this, ere now, if the spirit of

infurgency

infurgency had not been excited. But would any men in their reafon think of railing wages at the call of an armed banditti? The Tufpenfion of right, in fuch circumftances, ifnot juftice, is fomething better; it is mercy. Whatever, then, tends to promote turbulence, and to put off tranquillity, whether it be an inflammatory statement of grievances from the United Irishmen, or an indirect, indefinite fanction of such statements from the Whig Club, can amount to nothing else but the enlarging and rivetting of the calamity.

But the cautious tranquillizing plan which I have been recommending, would not, perhaps, have answered all the purposes of the Whig Club. It would not have ferved to furnish ammunition for the next parliamentary campaign, or rather for the exhibition of political fquibs and fky rockets, with which it may be preparing, as ufual, to annoy administration and amufe the populace. It would not have been inftead of à fhow man's pipe and tabor to give notice to the mob of their the entertainment for the evening. It would not, in fhort, have been a fubftitute for any of those hacknied expedients by which oppofitions uniformly feek to obtain that degree of popularity which may ferve as a fulcrum for the lever that is raife themselves to power.