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Countess.

THE REGULATION ROBES WORN BY THE PEERS AND PEERESSES AT THE CORONATION OF KING EDWARD VII.

avowedly as a war government. With the
coming of peace, its foundations, laid by the
peculiar methods of the last general elec-
tion, must begin to crumble. It will no
longer be able to tell the country that it
must be kept in power for fear of encour-
aging the Boers. It will have to rely on a
domestic policy which is the sharpest chal-
lenge offered to Liberal opinion during the
last twenty years and which is already be-
ginning to call up the old Liberal reserves."
While the peace for which England has
yearned so long now gives the ministry
a radiance which must make it popular for
the time being, it is a sort of popularity
that will be lost sight of in the interest
aroused by questions of home policy which
are waiting to be considered. Sir Henry
Campbell-Bannerman, chief of the Liberals,
already is telling the people that it was the
strong insistence of the opposition that the
Boers be allowed fair terms of surrender
that compelled the ministry to offer peace
on lines that the Boers could accept.
the workingmen and others in humble cir-
cumstances who make up the chief strength
of the Liberal party are not influenced by
this claim, at least they will have a deep
interest in the agitation against Sir Michael
Hicks-Beach's bread tax and what it fore-
shadows in the early adoption of a tariff
serving rather to build up colonial trade
than to benefit the English masses at home.
The education bill has aroused serious op-
position also. For these various reasons

If

the Liberals hope to see their party throw off its lethargy and become powerful once more. Though the government should have before it a long lease of life in view of its great majority in parliament, the return of peace may change conditions so materially as even to justify the hopes of the opposition.

In the
Political
Field.

Recent republi

can state conven

tions in Pennsylvania and Kansas, to mention no others, pledged themselves unequivocally to work for the renomination of President Roosevelt to his present office in 1904. The moment of hesitation in regard to the president's

future, which was noticeable a little earlier in the present year, seems to have passed. Those influential forces that were on the verge of taking up Senator Hanna as a candidate very likely have abandoned

the plan. The rapid improvement of conditions in the Philippines, the president's fearless the president's fearless attitude toward oppressive trusts, his outspoken declarations of opinion on current subjects, the high degree of prosperity which remains with the people--these have

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given no opportunity for the growth of political opposition to the administration within the party. The Pennsylvania republicans' declaration that they favor another term for Mr. Roosevelt, coupled with their demand that there shall be "no tariff tinkering," implies that the president's opinion on that subject jumps with theirs. Therefore the most hopeful issue for the democrats continues to be tariff reform which shall take away from harmful trusts such protection as the tariff now affords them. The republicans have withdrawn the ship subsidy bill, its warmest friends realizing that its enactment would be bitterly resented by the public. Chairman Cannon, of the house appropriations committee, has made an impassioned protest against any

needless increase in the heavy expenditures authorized by the present congress, declaring that a serious deficit in the revenues is threatened next year because of appropriations already made. This deficit, together with the expense of the Panama canal, must cut deep into the surplus. For reasons of political and financial prudence it is likely that from this time forward the republican majority will endeavor to keep from putting into the hands of the democrats a campaign argument based on an empty treasury due to legislative extravagance. The showing is bad enough already. By the middle of June the appropriations for the session aggregated $700,000,000, surpassing by $51,000,000 the estimated revenues for the coming year.

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THE ACCESSION OF THE KING OF SPAIN: ALPHONSO XIII TAKING THE OATH BEFORE THE CORTES

AT MADRID, MAY 17.

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BY BENJAMIN CONSTANT, THE GREAT FRENCH PAINTER, WHO DIED MAY 26. (SEE PAGE 1521.) The Emir of some African state, wearing the burnous or hooded cloak, covered by the umbrella-of-state, and attended by his court, has ridden out on a richly caparisoned steed "THE LAST REBELS, to survey his fallen enemies.

1494

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years.

After her graduation from Rockford College (of Rockford, Illinois), Miss Addams made two extended European journeys, during which time she carefully studied the Toynbee Hall movement inaugurated by Canon Barnett in the East End, London, together with its numerous aids for the amelioration of the condition of the surrounding poor.

In September, 1889, she and Miss Ellen Gates Starr went to live at 335 South Halsted Street, Chicago, a district settled largely by hard-working foreigners, Jews, Italians, and Irish predominating in numbers. The place was a convenient center for the work that Miss Addams had in mind to do,work based upon the creed that social service to those destitute of social privilege must be personal service.

The growth of Hull-House settlement has been as quiet as its birth, until now, covering an entire block, it is the seat of various activities, which, emanating from the tireless energy of a woman upon whose mind and heart has been laid a sense of social obligation, reach between three and four thousand men, women and children every week, who avail themselves of the advantages and companionship of the settlement life. Nothing is undertaken before the need of it arises; nothing is made permanently a part of the work until its usefulness has been tested; the interests of Hull-House are completely identified with those of their "neighbors," as they call the residents of the district surrounding their home.

In her book on "Democracy and Social Ethics," which has just appeared, Miss Miss Addams presents a set of six studies of

"various types and groups, who," to use the words of the author, "are being impelled by the newer conception of Democracy to an acceptance of social obligations involving in each instance a new line of conduct" in its particular field, whether that of Charitable Effort, Household Adjustment, Political Reform, Industrial Amelioration, or Educa

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zens' committee which labored with Mr.
Pullman in the vain endeavor to induce
him to submit to arbitration the dispute
in which the strike originated. That his-
toric contest is presented in the most tem-
perate and impartial manner possible, but
she stands unflinchingly for the social good
and voices the demand that in our social
relations the individual must be willing to
lose the sense of personal achievement and
shall be content to realize his activity only
in connection with the activity of the many.
Nearly twenty centuries ago Marcus
Aurelius wrote: "That which is not for
the interest of the whole swarm is not for
the interest of a single bee." Miss Addams'
experiments in her attempt to add the so-
cial function to Democracy led her to say:
"We have learned to say that the good must
be extended to all of society before it can
be held secure by any one person or any one
class; but we must learn to add to that
statement, that unless all men and all classes
contribute to a good, we cannot even be
sure that it is worth having."

of people; it protests against the academic
standards of education for persons whose
lives are to be industrial; it protests against
the injustices that pertain between domestics
and their employers in the matters of in-
definite duties, unlimited hours and the
sundering of family ties.

The book would extend Democracy be-
yond its merely political expression; it says
"you must live the life of those you would
serve, for action is indeed the sole medium
of expression for ethics." A careful reading
of this book emphasizes the thought that one
individual can put into words within small
compass what will take millions of men cen-
turies to carry out. It is the doing of great
things that takes time; at least for human
beings. Men have spent six thousand years
in trying to rebuild the social part of the
world, but the work is not yet complete.
Lecky maintains, in his "Rationalism in Eu-
rope, that no great and radical social
change ever takes place except by a grad-
ual, silent, undemonstrative preparation for
it in the public mind. That preparation is
being made now for the new conception of
Democracy.

It is Socialism that Miss Addams preaches, but it is Catholic Socialism, that is, all-round Socialism. Socialism that is not hemmed in by conventional, artificial and narrow bounds; Socialism that takes in everything; Socialism that leaves nobody out. She insists that there are not two kinds of folks, except in their point of view; she insists that we are all commoners; that the differences are only incidents and accidents; that all men are of essentially the same stuff; and that the stuff is woven substantially on the same form. She recognizes with Carlyle that all possess "the same great Need, great Greed and little Faculty," and all are, therefore, candidates for social betterment, and that there should be a continual effort to attain an ethical standard.

The Idea is abroad. It is a reasonable idea, and being reasonable, here and there. and everywhere, it seizes upon a reasoning mind and compels it into adherence and then into action. It is in the schools; it cries in legislative halls; it demonstrates itself to men of business enterprise; it appeals through morals; it applies in its behalf the sanctions of religion; and it will become universal to regard Democracy "not merely as a sentiment which desires the well-being of all men, nor yet as a creed which believes in the essential dignity and equality of all men, but as that which affords a rule of living as well as a test of faith."

This large toleration finds reiterated expression in every chapter of "Democracy and Social Ethics." It realizes that legislation amounts to little till it becomes the practical voicing of an aroused public conscience; till the enactments rest on moral convictions that the duty of the hour is to bring man nearer to man, to bridge the gulf between rich and poor, so that they shall meet as citizens without regard to their occupation; it protests against social ostracism; it considers that zeal mistaken which spends its energy in offering aid to workmen as such, or, in fact, to any "class"

"Democracy and Social Ethics" is the gospel of The Open Road: "To know the universe itself as a road, as many roads, as roads for traveling souls." In this vast procession of souls along the Open Road all are there-the old, the young, the good, the bad, the wise, the foolish, the weak, the strong, the sad, the gay-all are pressing forward in the belief that they are journeying toward something greater and something better than they have ever known. We shall follow after the great companions, and whomsoever we meet on the Road shall be our neighbor. This is the pith of the message in "Democracy and Social Ethics."

EVA V. CARLIN.

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