THE KING AND QUEEN ON THE WAY TO ATTEND THE PEACE SERVICES AT ST. PAUL'S CATHEDRAL, SUNDAY, JUNE 8. A SECTION OF BUCKINGHAM PALACE WHERE KING EDWARD VII. LIES ILL. King Edward's Illness. (From a photograph taken for THE WORLD TO-DAY by N. Lazarnick.) When, two days before the date set for his coronation, the physicians in attendance on King Edward, who had been indisposed for a fortnight, decided that he must be subjected to a surgical operation. to save his life, the shock to his subjects and to the entire world was severe. All London was wrapped in costly decorations which WESTMINSTER BRIDGE LOOKING TOWARD THE PARLIAMENT HOUSES. (From a photogragh taken for THE WORLD TO-DAY by N. Lazarnick) had been in preparation for many weeks. Westminster abbey, to which a large temporary addition had been built, had resounded for months with the hammers of workmen among the tombs of its kings in order that the latest occupant of the throne might be crowned with fitting splendor. Delegations of British subjects from the ends of the earth, ambassadors from foreign governments, vassal princes, colonial statesmen and soldiers from remote regions that are under the British flag-all these and many more were denied the pageant which they had come to see. As a monarch universally respected sincere sympathy was felt for Edward in every land. His slow but steady progress toward recovery was a source of rejoicing far beyond the boundaries of his empire. In spite of the shattered expectations of his subjects and the heavy loss which they experienced in many instances through his illness on the eve of the coronation fetes, there is no doubt that his popularity grew with his suffering. He seems to have borne the pain and danger like a brave man and his regret for the disappointment of those who had assembled for the ceremonies apparently READING THE BULLETINS AT BUCKINGHAM PALACE. (From a photograph taken for THE WORLD TO-DAY by N. Lazarnick.) would never be crowned were freely made. To stake money against his king's life was a performance distinctly not to the credit of the loyal Briton. CORONATION DECORATIONS ON THE ROYAL EXCHANGE BUILDING, LONDON. empire. Before this meeting it had become clear that much difficulty would be encountered in arriving at a definite agreement on any of the great questions that were to come up for consideration. Imperial defense, preferential duties on the products of the mother country and the colonies and subsidies for steamship lines establishing direct communication between the scattered parts of the empire, were topics that had aroused wide interst. Mr. Seddon of New Zealand was the only premier who went to the conference with full authority to take action of binding effect on his colony. When Sir Michael HicksBeach, the imperial chancellor of the exchequer, announced in parliament on June 18 that the import tax on foreign grain was to be lowered one-half, the dream of the protectionists that the ministry preparing to adopt a protective policy and grant preferential duties to the British colonies came to a sudden end. Certain colonial premiers who modestly announced on their arrival in London that they would await the proposals of the imperial government before advancing any of their own, were free to confess from the first that an imperial zollverein was out of the question. They would be well pleased to have foreign products taxed by Great Britain while colonial products were admitted free, but the necessity for taxing British products in colonial ports was imperative, since the revenue resulting from such taxes could not be spared. From the outset, therefore, the prospect for an imperial zollverein was remote indeed. A radical difference as to the proper division of subsidy payments leading to the establishment of steamship lines confronted the conference in its early sessions. As to the problem of imperial defense, many difficulties in the way of its solution presented themselves. Yet the conference cannot fail to prove of much benefit to the empire as a whole, since lines of policy affecting all parts of it must become more clearly established through this interchange of views among its leading colonial statesmen. Progress in South Africa. Sir John Gorden Sprigg, premier of Cape In deciding not to suspend the constitution of Cape Colony the British ministry has given gratifying proof that it is preparing to meet the conditions now prevailing in South Africa in a spirit of leniency and trustfulness. The counsel of Though the democratic state Mr. Bryan conventions of Indiana and and His Party. Illinois, as well as those in states still farther east, ignored in their platforms this year both Mr. Bryan and the Kansas City platform of the party, other state conventions renewed their allegiance to both. The democrats of Ne braska were prevented by Mr. Bryan with a good deal of trouble from nominating him for governor. The Nebraska populists actually did nominate him, though he succeeded finally in getting out of that difficulty also. Among the other state conventions that reaffirmed the principles of the Kansas City platform were those of Minnesota and South Dakota. In the latter state and also Kansas, anti-fusion laws have been enacted by republican legislatures, but the democrats and populists evaded these laws by ingenious devices whereby it will be possible for the two parties to support the same sets of candidates. In some states, like Pennsylvania, where Robert E. Pattison, the former governor, was nominated to make the race against Senator Quay's republican nominee, Judge Pennypacker, the democratic platforms were confined to consideration of state issues. In these instances Mr. Bryan probably will not feel that failure to mention his name or his principles was a slight. He seems to have been particularly incensed at the outcome of the Illinois convention, where the influence of John P. Hopkins, a so-called gold democrat, was sufficiently strong to secure his re-election as chairman of the state central committee. Developments thus early in the canvass indicate that the democrats will seek to gain popular support for their congressional candidates particularly on the ground that harmful trust influences dictate the policy of the republican administration and control legislation in Washington. Failure of the effort to give relief to Cuba will be a strong card for them. Probably they will be no more eager to press to the front the Philippine question than the republicans will be to have them do so, since the restoration of peace in those islands, together with the high degree of prosperity which the United States is now enjoying, will be leading subjects for republican orators. At the same time this era of high prices brings forward Mr. Cleveland's issue of tariff reform as a curb to the trusts, which issue must play an important part in the democratic canvass. occasion for the senator's warning it may be that already we are well on the way toward savagery or barbarism. When Senator Bailey of Texas, because of certain words spoken in debate, assaulted Senator Beveridge of Indiana in the senate chamber on June 30 in a manner that caused widespread astonishment, as did the attack earlier in the session of Mr. Tillman on his fellow senator from South Carolina, Mr. McLaurin,-it is possible that the truth of Senator Hoar's assertion was established. A singular thing about the two assaults, however, is that both Senator Bailey and Senator Tillman are as earnestly opposed to the American occupation of the Philippines as is Senator Hoar. In these circumstances it seems particularly hard that they should have become early victims of the sinister influence against which Senator Hoar has warned us. If Senator Beveridge, who is an enthusiastic supporter of the administration's Philippine policy, had attempted to choke Senator Bailey, the deterioration in his moral nature might have been regarded with no emotions of sympathy. But when Senators Bailey and Tillman suffer vicariously and yet abhor the policy from which they suffer, tender bosoms must feel commiserative pangs. |