Convention approaches, and the agitation of the city is exceedingly great. Vast as the Wigwam is, not one fifth of those who would be glad to get inside can be accommodated. . . .

Horace Greeley and Eli Thayer have agreed upon the following resolution, which Greeley is at work to make one of the planks of the platform: "Resolved, That holding liberty to be the natural birthright of every human being, we maintain that slavery can only exist where it has been previously established by laws constitutionally enacted; and we are inflexibly opposed to its establishment in the Territories by legislative, executive or judicial intervention. . . ."

When the Convention was called to order [the third day], breathless attention was given the proceedings. There was not a space a foot square in the Wigwam unoccupied. There were tens of thousands still outside.... Mr. Evarts of New York nominated Mr. Seward, Mr. Judd of Illinois nominated Mr. Lincoln... the only names that produced " tremendous applause" were those of Seward and Lincoln. Everybody felt that the fight was between them, and yelled accordingly. . . .

The division of the first vote1 caused a fall in Seward stock. It was seen that Lincoln, Cameron, and Bates had the strength to defeat Seward, and it was known that the greater part of the Chase vote would go to Lincoln. . . .

...

The Convention proceeded to a second ballot.... On this ballot Lincoln gained seventy-nine votes! Seward had 1841 votes; Lincoln 181.... It now dawned upon the multitude, that the presumption entertained the night before, that the Seward men would have everything their own way, was a mistake.... While this [third] ballot was taken amid excitement that tested the nerves, . . . it was whispered about-"Lincoln's the coming

balloting as though the New Yorker would be chosen. Greeley telegraphed to the Tribune at 11.40 P.M.: 'My conclusion from all I can gather tonight is that the opposition to Gov. Seward cannot concentrate on any candidate, and that he will be nominated. — H. G.” — J. F. Rhodes, History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850, Vol. II, P. 465.

1 The vote was: Seward 173, Lincoln 102, Cameron 501, Chase 49, Bates 48, with scattering votes for seven other candidates.

...

man; he will be nominated this ballot." When the roll of States and Territories had been called, I had ceased to give attention to any votes but those for Lincoln, and had his vote added up as it was given. The number of votes necessary to a choice were 233, and I saw under my pencil as the Lincoln column was completed, the figures 231-only a vote and a half to give him the nomination. . . . In about ten ticks of a watch, Cartter of Ohio was up. . . . He said: "I rise, Mr. Chairman, to announce the change of four votes of Ohio from Mr. Chase to Mr. Lincoln. The deed was done. The nerves of the thousands, which through hours of suspense had been subjected to terrible tension, relaxed, and as the deep breaths of relief were taken, there was a noise in the Wigwam like the rush of a great wind, in the van of a storm and in another breath, the storm was there. There were thousands cheering with the energy of insanity. . . .

The fact of the Convention was the defeat of Seward rather than the nomination of Lincoln. It was the triumph of a presumption of availability over preëminence in intellect and unrivalled fame-a success of the ruder qualities of manhood and the more homely attributes of popularity over the arts of a consummate politician, and the splendor of accomplished statesmanship.1

Now that the business of the Convention was transacted, we had the usual stump speeches, and complimentary resolutions. . . . The city was wild with delight. The Old Abe" men formed processions, and bore rails through the streets.... A hundred guns were fired from the top of the Tremont House. The Chicago Press and Tribune office was illuminated. That paper says: "On each side of the counting-room door stood a

1 One enthusiastic Lincoln man went shouting through the Tremont House: "Talk of your money, and bring on your bullies with you [Seward's marchers]! the immortal principles of the everlasting people are with Abe Lincoln, by!" The Southern politicians were disgusted and exasperated by Lincoln's nomination. Senator Wigfall sneered in the Senate at the "ex-rail-splitter, ex-grocery-keeper, ex-flatboat captain, and ex-Abolitionist lecturer."- Congressional Globe, 36th Congress, 2d session, p. 1400.

89. A South

for union,

1860

rail- out of the three thousand split by honest Old Abe' thirty years ago on the Sangamon River bottoms. On the inside were two more, brilliantly hung with tapers.

I left the city on the night train on the Fort Wayne and Chicago road. The train consisted of eleven cars, every seat full and people standing in the aisles and corners. . . . At every station where there was a village until after two o'clock there were tar barrels burning, drums beating, boys carrying rails; and guns, great and small, banging away.

Honorable Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia, later erner's plea Vice President of the Confederacy, was the last of the November 14, distinguished Southern statesmen to give up hope for the peaceful adjustment of the differences between North and South. In a speech before the Georgia legislature, a week after Lincoln's election, he said:

[412]

The first question that presents itself is, Shall the people of Georgia secede from the Union in consequence of the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States? My countrymen, I tell you frankly, candidly, and earnestly, that I do not think they ought. In my judgment, the election of no man, constitutionally chosen to that high office, is sufficient cause to justify any State to separate from the Union. It ought to stand by and aid still in maintaining the Constitution of the country.... If all our hopes are to be blasted, if the Republic is to go down, let us be found to the last moment standing on the deck with the Constitution of the United States waving over our heads. Let the fanatics of the North break the Constitution, if such is their fell purpose. Let the responsibility be with them. . . . We went into the election with this people. The result was different from what we wished; but the election has been constitutionally held. Were we to make a point of resistance to the Government, and go out of the Union merely on that account, the record would be made up hereafter against us.

But it is said Mr. Lincoln's policy and principles are against the Constitution, and that, if he carries them out, it will be destructive of our rights. Let us not anticipate a threatened evil.

If he violates the Constitution, then will come our time to act. . . . I do not anticipate that Mr. Lincoln will do anything to jeopard our safety or security, whatever may be his spirit to do it; for he is bound by the Constitutional checks which are thrown around him, which at this time render him powerless to do any great mischief. This shows the wisdom of our system. The President of the United States is no Emperor - no Dictator. He is clothed with no absolute power. He can do nothing unless he is backed by power in Congress. The House of Representatives is largely in a majority against him. . . . The gains in the Democratic party in Pennsylvania, Ohio, New Jersey, New York, Indiana, and other States . . . have been enough to make a majority of near thirty in the next House against Mr. Lincoln. . . .

In the Senate he will also be powerless. There will be a majority of four against him. ... Mr. Lincoln cannot appoint an officer without the consent of the Senate, he cannot form a Cabinet without the same consent.... Why then, I say, should we disrupt the ties of this Union, when his hands are tied when he can do nothing against us?

My honorable friend who addressed you last night [Mr. Toombs]1 and to whom I listened with the profoundest attention,

1 Senator Robert Toombs, a Union man in 1850, had given up hope of preserving the Union. He went back to Washington in December, 1860, but after the failure of the Crittenden amendments he telegraphed to the citizens of Georgia, December 23, 1860: "I came here to secure your constitutional rights or to demonstrate to you that you can get no guarantees for these rights from your Northern confederates. The whole subject was referred to a committee of 13 in the Senate yesterday. I was appointed . . . I submitted propositions which . . . were all treated with derision or contempt. . . . The committee is controlled by Black Republicans, your enemies, who only seek to amuse you with delusive hope until your election [to a state convention] in order that you may defeat the friends of secession. . . . I tell you upon the faith of a true man, that all further looking to the North for security for your constitutional rights in this Union ought to be instantly abandoned.... Secession by the 4th of March next should be thundered from the ballot-box by the unanimous voice of Georgia."-U. B. Phillips, Correspondence of Toombs, Stephens, and Cobb, Annual Report of the American Historical Association, 1911, Vol. II, p. 525.

asks if we would submit to Black Republican rule? I say to you and to him, as a Georgian, I never would submit to any Black Republican aggression upon our Constitutional rights...; and if they cannot be maintained in the Union standing on the Georgia Platform [see No. 81, p. 352], where I have stood from the time of its adoption, I would be in favor of disrupting every tie which binds the States together. I will have equality for Georgia, and for the citizens of Georgia, in this Union, or I will look for new safeguards elsewhere. This is my position. The only question now is, Can this be secured in the Union?... In my judgment, it may yet be....

My countrymen, I am not of those who believe this Union has been a curse up to this time. True men, men of integrity, entertain different views from me on this subject. ... Nor will I undertake to say that this Government of our Fathers is perfect. There is nothing perfect in this world of human origin.... But that this Government of our Fathers, with all its defects, comes nearer the objects of all good governments than any other on the face of the earth, is my settled conviction. . . .

When I look around and see our prosperity in everything — agriculture, commerce, art, science, and every department of progress physical, mental, and moral certainly in the face of such an exhibition, if we can, without the loss of power or any essential right or interest, remain in the Union, it is our duty to ourselves and posterity to do so. . . .

Should Georgia determine to go out of the Union . . . I shall bow to the will of her people. Their cause is my cause, and their destiny is my destiny; and I trust this will be the ultimate course of all. The greatest curse that can befall a free people is civil war. . . .

I am for exhausting all that patriotism demands, before taking the last step. I would invite, therefore, South Carolina to a conference. I would ask the same of all the other Southern States, so that if the evil has got beyond our control, which God in his mercy grant may not be the case, we may not be divided among ourselves. . . . In this way, our sister Southern States can be induced to act with us; and I have but little doubt that the States of New York, and Pennsylvania, and Ohio, and the