people; the maintenance and extension of civil service reforms; condemnation of trusts and monopolies; sustaining the Monroe doctrine; disapproving the extensive ownership of American lands by aliens; favoring liberal pensions to deserving soldiers, their widows, orphans and other dependents, and condemning the present pension laws; expressing sympathy for the Boers in South Africa; calling for the abandonment of the Philippines, the repeal of war taxes, the admission of the Territories as States, the fulfilling of our pledges to Cuba and the irrigation of the arid Western lands; condemning unreasonable railroad charges and unjust discriminations; favoring the public ownership of public utilities; the expansion of commerce, and the exclusion of Asiatic laborers.

A comparison of this platform with that of the Democratic party will show that it

was quite natural for its supporters to indorse the candidates of the former. This was done, so that Bryan and Stevenson were the leaders on both tickets.

The National Party (Third Ticket) was organized at New York City, September 5, 1900, and nominated Donelson Caffery and Archibald M. Howe, but since both withdrew it is not necessary to elucidate their principles.

The National Democratic Party (Gold Democracy) through its committee at Indianapolis, July 25, declared inexpedient the nomination of candidates and none was made. The committee reaffirmed the Indianapolis platform of 1896 and recommended

}

PRESIDENT MCKINLEY AND HIS CABINET.

the State committees in their respective States to preserve their organizations and take such steps as in their opinion would best subserve the principles of the party, especially in the maintenance of a sound currency, the right of private contract, the independence of the judiciary, and the authority of the President to enforce Federal laws, a covert attack on which was made under the guise of the denunciation of government by injunc tion.

The committee further urged the voters not to be deceived by the plea that the money question had been finally settled. The specific reiteration of the demand for the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 by the Kansas City Convention and the history known of all men in connection therewith emphasized the danger of this demand. The action of Congress in passing a bill embodying the gold standard was indorsed as a step in the right direction, and it was pronounced dangerous to elevate to executive power any one hostile to the maintenance and enforcement of that law.

Finally, an Anti-Imperialist Convention was held in Indianapolis, August 16, and a platform adopted without the naming of any candidates. It was termed a Liberty Congress of anti-imperialists, whose language could admit of no misconstruction. It declared that the Republic was menaced and said: "For the first time in our country's history the President has undertaken to subjugate a foreign people and to rule them by despotic power. He has thrown the protection of the flag over slavery and polygamy in the Sulu Islands. He has arrogated to himself the power to impose upon the inhabitants of the Philippines government without their consent and taxation without representation. He is waging war upon them for asserting the very principles for the maintenance of which our forefathers pledged their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor. He claims for himself and Congress authority to govern the Territories of the United States without constitutional restraint."

The convention made the following recommendations to their countrymen : "First-That, without regard to their views on minor questions of domestic policy, they withhold their votes from Mr. McKinley, in order to stamp with their disapproval what he has done.

"Second-That they vote for those candidates for Congress in their respective districts who will oppose the policy of imperialism.

"Third-While we welcome any other method of opposing the re-election of Mr. McKinley we advise direct support of Mr. Bryan as the most effective means of crushing imperialism.

"Resolved, That in declaring that the principles of the Declaration of Independence apply to all men, this Congress means to include the negro race in America as well as the Filipinos. We deprecate all efforts, whether in the South or in the North, to deprive the negro of his rights as a citizen under the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States."

Having thus set forth quite fully the varying political views throughout the country, let us note the results of the election of November, 1900, as illustrative of the numerical strength of the respective parties.

The total number of electoral votes cast was 447, of which the Republican candi

dates received 292 and the Democratic 155, None of the other candidates received an electoral vote.

The total popular vote was: Total, 13,581,074; Republican, 7,206,677; Democratic, 6,374,397; Republican plurality, 832,280.

teen.

Prohibition, 208,555.

Social Democratic, 84,003.

Middle of the Road or Anti-Fusion People's Party, 50,337.

Socialist Labor Party, 39,537.
Union Reform Party, 5,698.

United Christian Party, 1,060.

The Republicans were successful in twenty-eight States and the Democrats in sevenFour years before Mr. McKinley received 271 electoral votes and Mr. Bryan 176. The Republican ticket again carried all the States classed as Republican, except Kentucky, and as an offset to that they carried Mr. Bryan's own State of Nebraska and South Dakota, Kansas, Wyoming, Utah and Washington.

Considering all the circumstances, Mr. Bryan made a remarkable campaign. He carried New York, the metropolis of the country, and reduced Mr. McKinley's plurality in the State from 268,000 in 1896 to 145,000. One cause of his embarrassment was that he was forced to be the champion of too many issues. You know that he was the forefront of the great free silver movement, which fused three parties in his support; he was the leader of the crusade against imperialism and the gigantic fight against the trusts, while single-handed he fought for an income tax. Moreover, he was selected to champion the Boers, at a time when there was a 'widespread feeling of gratitude to England for its friendship to us during the war with Spain. It cannot be denied that he made a valiant fight, but no living man could stagger to success under such a colossal burden. He repeated his wonderful speaking campaign and proved that his mental and bodily vigor was still unimpaired. After the political turmoil had settled down he returned to his home and began the publication of a weekly newspaper called The Commoner. He displayed marked ability in its management and has made it one of the most successful journals of the country.

In an address made before the Philadelphia Union League, November 24, Mr. McKinley, while giving the main credit to "our splendid party," uttered a generous acknowledgment of the coöperation of that great body of voters, who, though members of another party, had immensely assisted in the achievement of the result. Nor could he justly leave out the almost unbroken column of labor engaged in mechanics and agriculture, which had rejected the false doctrine of class distinction, while the business. men were everywhere a most effective factor in the contest.

"It will be well for the party in power," said Mr. McKinley, "if it shall understand the true meaning of the result. That result was an unambiguous indorsement of the gold standard, industrial independence, broader markets, commercial expansion, reciprocal trade, the open door in China, the inviolability of public faith, the independence and authority of the judiciary, and peace and a beneficent government, under American sovereignty, in the Philippines. There is no danger from empire. There is no fear for the Republic."