SPEECH

ON THE ACQUISITION OF TERRITORY, AND THE FORMATION OF FOR THE TERRITORIES.-THE DOCTRINE OF

GOVERNMENTS

DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, JANUARY 12, 1848.

[The following resolutions, introduced by Mr. Dickinson, on the 14th of December, 1847, came up in order for consideration:

"Resolved, That true policy requires the government of the United States to strengthen its political and commercial relations upon this continent, by the annexation of such contiguous territory as may conduce to that end, and can be justly obtained; and that neither in such acquisition nor in the territorial organization thereof can any conditions be constitutionally imposed, or institutions be provided for or established, inconsistent with the right of the people thereof to form a free sovereign State, with the powers and privileges of the original members of the Confederacy.

"Resolved, That, in organizing a territorial government for territories belonging to the United States, the principle of self-government upon which our federative system rests will be best promoted, the true spirit and meaning of the Constitution be observed, and the Confederacy strengthened, by leaving all questions concerning the domestic policy therein to the legislatures chosen by the people thereof."

The resolutions having been read by the Secretary, Mr. Dickinson, addressing the Senate, said :]

MR. PRESIDENT-We are admonished by the exigencies of the times and the prevailing sentiment of the American people, to strengthen our political and commercial relations upon this continent by the annexation of such contiguous territory as can be justly obtained, as well for the positive benefits the acquisition may confer, as to shut out forever, as far as practicable, the pernicious influences and impertinent intermeddlings of European monarchy. And while the circumstances under which this policy may properly be enforced, are too varied and contingent to be enumerated or suggested, the state of our relations,

both foreign and domestic, demand that it be fully declared before the world. We have been compelled by misguided Mexico to resort to the ultima ratio of nations for an adjustment of grievances. With her capital, her ports, her fortifications, and principal towns in our possession, she spurns all proposals for accommodation, and we have no alternative left, consistent with national spirit or self-respect, but to retain of the possessions allotted us by the tribunal of her own selection, ample indemnity for the wrongs she has heaped upon our government and people. But should she in some sane moment consent to negotiate, she can furnish indemnity only in territory, and this government can accept of no terms but such as give full compensation; so that whether we have peace or war, treaty or no treaty, the question of territorial acquisition cannot be avoided. Had we remained at peace with Mexico, the same policy of acquisition would sooner or later have been presented; and should a treaty of peace be negotiated, and a full indemnity be paid in money, of which there is no prospect, the question of extending our possessions even then could not long be postponed. Although clearly demanded by national interests, and almost universally favored by the American people, this policy has been embarrassed by an element of irritation calculated to arrest, if not defeat it altogether. Some who profess to favor it, do so only upon condition that domestic slavery shall be prohibited by Congress in any acquired territory; others, with marked determination, oppose any increase with such restrictions; and both these classes propose to coöperate with the opponents of acquisition, unless their peculiar views respectively are adopted.

Believing that a policy so eminently national should not thus be defeated or put at hazard; that the legislation of Congress can have little influence over the domestic regulation of territory; that its temporary government is a matter of secondary importance compared with the policy of acquisition, and that its domestic regulation may be safely intrusted to those most deeply interested in the institutions they may establish,—I have introduced these resolutions. They were presented that the Senate might form and pronounce its judgment before the country upon the two great questions embraced therein, which engage so large a share of the public consideration. They do not, as is supposed by some, bring here, with its profitless discussions and

exciting consequences, the vexed question of slavery, for it was here before them; but they propose to transfer it hence, and leave, under the Constitution, all questions concerning the admission or prohibition of this institution in the Territories, to the inhabitants thereof, that its intrusion may not hereafter arrest the policy, defeat the measures, or disturb the councils of the nation. They were offered in the hope that all who believe in the great cardinal principle of freedom-the capacity of man for his own government-would harmonize conflicting opinions, and unite upon this common ground of justice and equality.

The people of the original States declared "that to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity," they established the Constitution. Although the Articles of Confederation, which gave place to this instrument, provided for the admission of Canada to the Union, and the comprehensive terms employed to explain the objects of the Constitution show that no narrow territorial boundaries were contemplated, it is apparent that few statesmen at that early period foresaw the early growth we were destined to attain. The wisest and ablest of the time timidly negotiated for years, at the close of the last century, for the right of navigating the Mississippi, and proposed to fix upon that river as the western boundary of the United States forever. And in treating for the territory of Louisiana, our government sought to procure only a portion, and the greatest share was virtually taken upon compulsion. The policy which from acquisition has already given to this Union four sovereign States, and holds others in reserve, was at the time assailed with a virulence and denunciation, and threats of disunion, which may be profitably consulted rather than copied by those who are alarmed by, or propose to repeat, the cry of territorial aggrandizement. Louisiana, too, was a Spanish province, contained a foreign population, strangers to our form of government, and was transferred with its people from Spain to France, and from France to the United States, within a few hours; and yet, what State has been more faithful to the Union, or more ably represented?

Territory beyond the Mississippi was then regarded as almost without the pale of probable civilization, and the expedi

tion of Lewis and Clark to the mouth of the Columbia, where the mail of the United States is now regularly distributed, was hailed as an epoch in the history of North American enterprise and daring. But the tide of emigration and the course of empire have since been westward. Cities and towns have sprung up from the shores of the Pacific, and the river we essayed to fix as our western, now passes nearest to our eastern boundary. From three, our population has increased to twenty millions— from thirteen, to twenty-nine States, with others in the process of formation and on their way to the Union. Two great European Powers have withdrawn from the continent, yielding us their possessions; and from the northern lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, from the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi, numerous aboriginal nations have been displaced before the resistless tide of our prevailing arts, arms, and free principles; and whoever will look back upon the past, and forward upon the future, must see, that, allured by the justice of our institutions, before the close of the present century, this continent will teem with a free population of upwards of a hundred million souls. Nor have we yet fulfilled the destiny allotted us. New territory is spread out for us to subdue and fertilize; new races are presented for us to civilize, educate, and absorb; new triumphs for us to achieve for the cause of freedom.

North America presents to the eye one great geographical system, every portion of which, under the present facilities for communication, may be made more accessible to every other than were the original States to each other at the time they formed the Union; it is soon to become the commercial centre of the world. And the period is by no means remote, when man, regarding his own wants and impulses, and yielding to the influences of laws more potent than those which prescribe artificial boundaries, will ordain that it shall be united in political as well as natural bonds, and form but one political system, and that, a free, confederated, self-governed republic, represented in a common hall in the great valley of the West-exhibiting to an admiring world the mighty results which have been achieved for freedom in the western hemisphere. Then will a more perfect Union be formed, and justice be established upon enduring foundations-the domestic tranquillity ensured, the common defence be provided for, the general

welfare promoted, and the blessings of liberty secured to posterity.

Our form of government is admirably adapted to extend empire. Founded in the virtue and intelligence of the people, and deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed, its influences are as powerful for good at the remotest limits as at the political centre. We are unlike all communities which have gone before us, and illustrations drawn from comparing us with them, are unjust and erroneous. The social order which characterizes our system is as unlike the military republics of other times, as is the religion of the Saviour of men to the impositions of Mahomet. Our system wins by its justice, while theirs sought to terrify by its power. Our territorial boundary may span the continent, our population be quadrupled, and the number of our States be doubled, without inconvenience or danger. Every member of the Union would still sustain itself, and contribute its influences for the general good; every pillar would stand erect, and impart strength and beauty to the edi fice. In matters of national legislation, a numerous population, extended territory, and diversified interests, would tend to reform abuses which would otherwise remain unredressed, to preserve the rights of the States, and to bring back the course of legislation from the centralism to which it is hastening. Onehalf the legislation now brought before Congress would be left undone, as it should be; a large portion of the residue would be presented to the consideration of State Legislatures; and Congress would be enabled to dispose of all matters within the scope of its legitimate functions without inconvenience or delay.

The present political relations of this continent cannot long continue, and it becomes this nation to be prepared for the change which awaits it. If the subjects of the British Crown shall consent to be ruled through all time by a distant cabinet, Mexico cannot long exist under the misrule of marauders and their pronunciamentos; and this was as clearly apparent before as since the existence of the war. If, then, just acqusition is the true policy of this government, as it clearly is, it should be pursued by a steady and unyielding purpose, and characterized by the sternest principles of national justice. It should not rashly anticipate the great results which are in progress, nor thrust aside the fruits when they are produced and presented.