a shrewd man of affairs who kept his own counsel. He knew that Pomeroy ought to be beaten, and he also knew that, pursuing ordinary political methods, the opposition could not defeat him. He alone conceived the plot and laid the snare which accomplished the downfall of Pomeroy. York acted entirely under his directions, and well did he play the part assigned him. Genius often consists of the ability to select suitable subordinates. Every step in the destruction of Pomeroy was planned with cool deliberation and executed with grim and relentless determination. Neither Ingalls nor the supporters of his aspirations knew the origin of the catastrophe that crushed Pomeroy, and they, one and all, were as completely surprised at his spectacular annihilation as was "Old Beans" himself. York did not know what he was doing, and never dreamed that his action was to elect Ingalls.

Perhaps there never was a more profound sensation in any deliberative body than that produced in the Kansas Legislature when York, pale and trembling, placed on the Speaker's table $7,000 which he said Senator Pomeroy had paid over to him on the bargain for his vote. Not that

it was held improbable, for no doubt many others present were in possession of similar or larger sums procured in the same way. In a majority of the elections for United States Senator the successful candidate wins by bribery, direct or indirect- often by both in their most vile and degrading forms.

The consternation and dismay created by the dramatic course of York resulted largely from the knowledge of Pomeroy's most ardent supporters that he and themselves were guilty. Had they not been, they would have risen to denounce as a political trick his tragic story. Had they done so, and had Pomeroy appeared then before the Assembly in magnificent wrath at the outrage upon his honor, he might even then have prevailed. But only few men have such audacity.

Chaos had come. The old regime had ended in an explosion entirely unexpected. There existed no body or faction with even an adequate preliminary organization to take its place. Kansas politicians were dazed and at sea, and that is saying much, for no politicians in the world are more crafty, unprincipled, harder to daze and put at sea, brazen, or eager for the corrupting

carrion of graft and spoils than is the average Kansas politician. Ingalls had just previously published his Kansas Magazine articles. They stamped him a genius. Their subject-matter appealed to Kansas, for the old animosity towards Missouri was not yet quenched. In the demoralization prevailing he kept his head, said little, and stood immovable and aloof from hastilyformed cliques which were no sooner formed than they dissolved into thin air, and steadily gained ground. Sentiment for his election grew from the close of York's speech, and within thirty minutes it crystallized, consolidated, became an aggressive demand, and his success was assured. Men voted for him because they had read "Catfish Aristocracy", and some had no other reason. His election was practically unanimous.

III.

At the end of his term Ingalls was a candidate for re-election. The Legislature to choose his successor was elected in 1878. Strong opposition to Ingalls developed, and his election was secured with difficulty, but he finally prevailed. Charges of bribery and corruption were preferred

against him, and the whole matter was transferred to the United States Senate for adjudication. There the charges fell to the ground. They had grown largely from personal hatred and old political feuds, and that principle in Kansas politics that no man shall be allowed to hold a place if he can be defeated, no matter what his worth to the State or Nation. The famous interview in which Ingalls said the purification of politics was an iridescent dream was a plain statement of fact about the conditions in Kansas applied to the politics of the country at large.

The victory of Ingalls was complete, and in the exultation consequent upon his vindication he came home and delivered the most remarkable speech ever heard on Kansas soil. Its delivery was set for a certain day, and extensive arrangements were made to have a large attendance. Special trains from various points carried thousands to Atchison. Flambeau Clubs marched by the light of red fire, and "Glee Clubs" and "Modocs" sang like larks. The streets were congested with the throngs that gathered. All these, however, were trifling incidents. The main event was the speech of Ingalls. It was known that

he intended to flay his adversaries, and nothing gives the true Kansan more pleasure than to see a political adversary dissected alive. In Kansas, politics are always and altogether personal matters. Principle is rarely involved. Blind adherence to national party platitudes is the only guiding-star, in most instances, of the factions of all political parties. And these weak utterances are interpreted by each fellow and his faction to suit their own interests, the bosses swearing that they alone can properly construe them, and the boss-busters swearing by the Great Horn Spoon that the bosses are grafters, robbers and traitors. In this they are usually nearly right, the only delinquency being their failure to include themselves in the same category, which is always remedied by the retaliating bosses. These conditions have always prevailed in Kansas, and this is why Kansas politics have always been rotten and corrupt, and why they have always borne a spectacular aspect.

In this address to his constituency Ingalls had designed to speak from a manuscript which he had prepared with care. But the great demonstration in his honor carried him off his feet.