Voorhees, and Benjamin Wood in favor of two republics and a United South was in the office where "these papers" were found.

The correspondence of Campbell, E. Etheridge, George H. Pendleton, J. E. McDonald, W. B. Hanna, and others, Mr. Carrington says, are some of the "circumstances" that led me to believe that "these papers" the ritual of the O. A. K., were found in your office.

I looked upon these circumstances as a plain juror might be supposed to do, and not as a statesman, and innocently supposed that such papers as these, if spared from the fire, would be in possession of the owner, and that the office of the owner would be the place where "these papers" would be found.

And yet, with Colonel Thompson, I cheerfully accepted your denial, and so respond as you request "that the people may know the truth".

The Senator from Indiana in response to this wrote a letter three columns long that was published in the Democratic papers and printed in the Richmond Enquirer in Virginia, with praise of the Senator from Indiana.

A letter from J. Hardesty, of Harrisonburgh, Va., to his nephew, Daniel W. Voorhees, dated

Addressed

Harrisonburgh, December 17, 1862.

My Dear Nephew: We want you to hold that 100,000 men in readiness, as we do not know how soon we may want them.

Addressed on envelope:

J. Hardesty.

Hon. Daniel W. Voorhees,

Terre Haute, Ind.

SENATOR WALL, OF NEW JERSEY, TO DAN VOORHEES.

Long Branch, August 21, 1863.

My Dear Sir: I inclose you two letters from a man by the name of Carr, in reference to arms. A letter directed to him simply Philadelphia will reach him. I can vouch for the excellent quality and great efficiency of the rifles. Yours in haste,

James W. Wall.

And another from Carr to Wall, dated August 14, 1863, on the same subject, giving the price at which these arms could be purchased, which was $14 apiece, saying there were about twenty thousand of them in all. For what purpose they were wanted is left to the imagination to disclose. With regard to the question as to the side on which the sympathies of the Senator from Indiana I suppose the Senator from Indiana will deny this also and say it was mere campaign calumny cast out and trodden under the feet of on the 5th day of March, 1864, he spoke

were

men

of Vallandigham as "that representative American patriot, who, with Hendricks and Seymour and Richardson, had done so much to uphold the hands of the American public and had preserved so far the guaranties of constitutional liberty", a man who was tried and banished from the country for being a traitor, and justly banished; and yet the Senator from Indiana said on the 5th of March, 1864:

Will some poor, crawling, despised sycophant and tool of executive despotism —

That sounds very much like the Senator from Indiana. If that is a fabrication it is a very ingenious one

Will some poor, crawling, despised sycophant and tool of executive despotism dare to say that I shall not pronounce the name of Vallandigham? The scandal and stigma of his condemnation

The scandal and stigma of Vallandigham's condemnation

and banishment have filled the civilized world, and the Lethean and oblivious wave of a thousand years can not wash away the shame and reproach of that miserable scene from the American name. Some members have attacked with fierce clamor the great American statesman and Christian gentleman who suffers his exile in the cause of liberty on a foreign soil. So the basest cur that ever kenneled may bay, at "the bidding of a master, the aged lion in the distance".

His opinion of Mr. Lincoln was contained in the same speech

Genghis Kahn and Tamerlane, preserved by the pen of the historian for universal execration, found no pursuit so pleasant as calling for more men for the harvest of death, and, like our present Executive, snuffing with jests and ribaldry the warm taint of blood on every gale. Oh, bitter mockery, justice has been dethroned and the blessings of liberty annihilated.

Because four millions of slaves were set free, apparently.

There is not one square mile of free soil in the American Republic.

The Senator from Indiana was also a member of Congress in the early days of the war, and he made some speeches upon the subjects that were then agitating the country. In an address to his constituents in April, 1861,-I hope I am not inaccurate about that he declared that he would never vote a single dollar or a single man for the prosecution of the war, and he never did so long as he was in Congress.

He constantly and persistently voted against every measure for upholding the Union cause and re-inforcing its armies, voted against all the constitutional amendments, and finally declared by a nay vote that he would not hold that the amendments were constitutional or binding upon the conscience of the American people. And yet the

Senator from Indiana, who I think deserves charity more than any man that I know upon this floor, and who has received it at the hands of his associates, and who can less afford than any man of my acquaintance to invite a scrutiny of his war record with anybody, with playfulness and hilariousness refers to the fact that I served during the war as a judge-advocate with the rank of major and subsequently of lieutenant-colonel. I have this to say: That however obscure or inefficient my services may have been, they were always on the side of my country, and not as his has been, always against it.

MR. VOORHEES. Mr. President, if the Senator from Kansas, to just take a matter of fact, will find one single vote that I have cast against the payment of soldiers for their pay, for their supplies, for their bounties, or appropriations for their pensions, I will resign my seat in the Senate. Every word that has been stated on that subject is absolutely false by the record absolutely.

I measure my words as I stand here. If I am an object of his charity, he is an object of my contempt. He says I issued a proclamation to my constituents in April, 1861, that I would not vote for men or money. That is false. I never did anything of the kind; never in the world. I was a pretty hard fighter during the war in political