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His opinion of Mr. Lincoln was contained in the same speech

Genghis Kahn and Tamerlane, preserved by the pen of the historian for universal execration, found no pursuit so pleasant as calling for more men for the harvest of death, and, like our present Executive, snuffing with jests and ribaldry the warm taint of blood on every gale.

Oh, bitter mockery, justice has been dethroned and the blessings of liberty annihilated.

Because four millions of slaves were set free, apparently.

There is not one square mile of free soil in the American Republic.

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The Senator from Indiana was also a member of Congress in the early days of the war, and he made some speeches upon the subjects that were then agitating the country. In an address to his constituents in April, 1861,- I hope I am not inaccurate about that he declared that he would never vote a single dollar or a single man for the prosecution of the war, and he never did so long as he was in Congress.

He constantly and persistently voted against every measure for upholding the Union cause and re-inforcing its armies, voted against all the constitutional amendments, and finally declared by a nay vote that he would not hold that the amendments were constitutional or binding upon the conscience of the American people. And yet the Senator from Indiana, who I think deserves charity more than any man that I know upon this floor, and who has received it at the hands of his associates, and who can less afford than any man of my acquaintance to invite a scrutiny of his war record with anybody, with playfulness and hilariousness refers to the fact that I served during the war as a judge-advocate with the rank of major and subsequently of lieutenant-colonel. I have this to say: That however obscure or inefficient my services may have been, they were always on the side of my country, and not as his has been, always against it.

MR. VOORHEES. Mr. President, if the Senator from Kansas, to just take a matter of fact, will find one single vote that I have cast against the payment of soldiers for their pay, for their supplies, for their bounties, or appropriations for their pensions, I will resign my seat in the Senate. Every word that has been stated on that subject is absolutely false by the record - absolutely.

I measure my words as I stand here. If I am an object of his charity, he is an object of my contempt. He says I issued a proclamation to my constituents in April, 1861, that I would not vote for men or money.

That is false. I never did anything of the kind; never in the world. I was a pretty hard fighter during the war in political campaigns. The party then in power gave it out that there should be no parties, that we should not contend as parties; but I did not accept that, and I fought my battles in my own way. I fought for free speech and a free press; but the soldiers of Indiana know, and they will measure and hear what I am now saying, that I voted for every dollar that ever fed them, that ever clothed them, and the man who says otherwise is a falsifier and a slander, and I brand it on him.

I can go home to my people on that statement. In 1864 I was in a bitter, hard canvass for Congress. The Senator from Kansas has announced that I had quit practicing law. That is not true. There is not a word of truth in it. I had gone from one office to another. Some papers that belonged to me were left in the office, and others put up a job on me in political campaigns, and put things there which were found there and were published as found there. I denied then, as I deny now, that I was ever a member of any secret political society in my life.

Oliver P. Morton, a brave man, not, like the Senator from Kansas, small and active, but great and strong, and who believed that there was a secret organization in Indiana menacing the safety of the Republic, never pretended that I was connected with that organization. There has never been a man in public life, until the

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Senator from Kansas here persuades himself to do it, who ever alluded to the pretended fact that I belonged to such an organization. There was a gentleman from New Hampshire once, a member of the House, who inadvertently, in a sort of hurried way, alluded in a general manner to me as a member of a secret organization in Indiana; and the next day I took the floor for a personal explanation.

I remember the House gathered around me, and among the rest General Schenck, who was the leader of the house on the opposite side. · He came close to me. I explained all these things, and that was the last of them. Now the Senator from Kansas sees fit, nosing around in a low, little way, to bring up these things which are stale, putrid, cast off, and the offal of years gone by.

When the matter that he speaks of as to my office was brought out by General Carrington I was in a hard canvass for Congress. I carried the district by nearly 800 majority. As my friend, the Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Dawes), remembers, they contested my seat, and threw me out because the Republicans needed two-thirds majority to fight Andrew Johnson then, and for no other reason in the world. I went back to a changed district, where they put 1,500 majority upon me, and I beat them in that district with the soldiers all at home.

Now, if the Senator from Kansas thinks he is making respectability or honor or even courtesy by reviving these things which have been passed upon by a jury of my peers a good deal more than his peers, but a jury of my peers in Indiana

he is mistaken. I have had several elections to Congress since all this poor old stuff was published, and then I have been four times commissioned a Senator. I have been elected three times by the Legislature, and I have carried the State twice, by from 25,000 to 30,000 majority. If the Senator from Kansas in his miserable condition attempting to extricate himself from the disgrace of assailing McClellan and Hancock, sees fit to assail me, he is welcome to do so. A man who has aspersed the fame of McClellan, and says that he had fought two years trying to make the war a failure, and that Hancock was an ally of the Confederacy, and that Hancock and McClellan and Horace Greeley all belonged to the worst elements of the North, I feel his abuse as a compli. ment, and I thank him for the aspersions and respond to him accordingly. (Laughter and applause.]

So far as the old stuff about my denouncing the soldiers of Indiana is concerned, the soldiers will take care of that, and there is only a miserable set of people who were never soldiers, or if they were were sutlers most likely or sutlers'

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