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called to aid men who had known the effect of Maj. McKinley's magnetism and who loved and admired him even as I did, and the territory in which I found them was not bounded by Ohio, but reached from the Atlantic to the Pacific. (Applause.) Scores and hundreds of men who loved him as I did rallied with McKinley as the word on their lips and their country their prayer. (Applause and cries of 'good, good.') The next epoch was that wonderful convention at St. Louis, where McKinley received 661 votes. I believe those figures are right. You all read of its marvelous scenes. When I took that charge of McKinley's honor I swore to my Maker that I would return it unsullied. (Applause and cheers). And when I returned from that memorable convention, proud and satisfied with the work his friends had done, I went to Canton and laid my report at the feet of my chieftain, and I said to him, ‘McKinley, I have not forgotten the trust and I bring it back without a blot and not a single promise to redeem. I think I have a right to feel proud of that (cheers and applause) because in the succession of the administration from Lincoln's time to the present era no man ever enjoyed that privilege before. (Tremendous applause.)
“Then began the battle royal. The Chicago convention flung forth an edict which shackled the nation and almost prostrated the country. Following that came that grand wave of inspiration from McKinley. His name and all he stood for was the battle cry from that time on. Never before was such a battle waged. It was against an unknown, unseen enemy, which faced us under cover on every side, but before us was McKinley's name, and every eye was fixed on it, and every heart was bound to it as to a guiding star. (Tremendous applause.)
“There were dark days. There were days when even the best men in the country lost faith in its government. And why? Because, as I said, the enemy was an unseen one, and the blows it was striking were blows at the very foundations of this government. And they did not know the inner workings of our part of the campaign. When I left New York to come to Cleveland to vote for my friend William McKinley (applause and cheers), I looked out of the car window in the early dawn and I saw the sun rise, and that sentiment of Garfield's (applause and cheers) came to me, 'God reigns' (tremendous cheering), and on the following day I was reminded of that sentiment of friend Handy here, that a rainbow spanned the continent. I cast my vote, and then I hied me again to Canton and I said to its foremost citizen: 'Governor, that honor and that escutcheon which you confided to me are still untarnished. You haven't a promise to redeem.' (Cheers for several moments.)
"And now I rejoice with you all that the great campaign has ended in glory and in peace. I can't explain to you what impelled me to enter on this labor, leaving all my other interests here at home, except to say that it was my love for this great man. I had been with him in the conventions of '84, '88 and '92, and I knew of their trials and their temptations, and it was then that I learned to know the heart and character of William McKinley. (Applause.) It was then that he brushed aside all except the future and said: 'I will not stultify: my character for any reward on earth!'”
President of the United States.
William McKinley was inaugurated president of the United States March 4, 1897. His inaugural address, like all of his previous public utterances, was dignified, clear and exhaustive. He pointed out the wants of the country, and pledged himself to meet them as far as possible. His cabinet was composed of the following eminent men:
Secretary of State—Hon. John Sherman, of Ohio.
Secretary Sherman resigned in 1897, on account of ill-health, and Judge William R. Day, of Ohio, an old friend of the president's, was appointed to succeed him. Judge Day subsequently resigned to become iead of the peace commission appointed to arrange for the termination of the Spanish-American war, and Hon. John Hay, formerly minister to England, succeeded him. Judge McKenna, attorney general, also resigned in 1897, and Hon. John W. Griggs was appointed his successor. In 1898 Postmaster General Gary resigned and Hon. Charles Emory Smith, of Pennsylvania, became his successor. Russell A. Alger, secretary of war, tendered his resignation in 1899 and Hon. Elihu Root, of New York, succeeded him.
More American history was made during President McKinley's first term of office than in any preceding administration since the day the martyred Lincoln ceased his work.
In the light of the present, to undertake to pronounce upon the permanent character of all the acts of the administration would be to assume superior wisdom. But if the voice of the people is to be relied upon as the voice of God, then, assuredly President McKinley was wise beyond ordinary men, for the people promptly and decisively. when the time came, sanctioned his acts. The Spanish war and its results was the main feature of his first year's work. It grew out of the oppression of the people of Cuba by Spain. The Cubans had been for years in arms against the Spaniards, and the people were worn out with the struggle. Constantly they appealed to the people of the United States to aid them in their struggle, and the people—not the government-responded. Spain took offense at this and urged the government of the United States to prevent munitions of war and other supplies being supplied to the Cubans. The Spaniards were absolutely unable to crush the independent spirit of the Cubans. Finally, in 1897, when the island was a scene of awful desolation, the sufferings of American citizens in Cuba became so great that congress at a special session, appropriated $50,000 for their relief. Here was further cause for complaint on the part of Spain. War grew out of the situation, but as the matter will be fully treated of elsewhere it will not be further alluded to here. The passage of the “sound money” law, placing the country on a gold basis and in line with the other leading nations of the earth, was accomplished and many other things, which may be best told briefly in the words of Senator Hanna in his Union Club speech, in which he said:
“President McKinley's administration brought about a more prompt readjustment of the tariff, to accord with the views of the party which elected him to office, than any preceding administration, and in this case it was accomplished under peculiarly embarrassing and difficult conditions, by reason of the well known fact that his own party did not have a clear majority in one branch of congress—the senate. President McKinley was inaugurated on March 4, 1897, and immediately called congress to meet in special session on March 15. In his message to that congress he called attention to the excessive importations and the lack of revenues, and said: “Congress should promptly correct the existing conditions. Ample revenues must be supplied, not only for the ordinary expenses of the government, but for the prompt payment of liberal pensions and the liquidation of the principal and interest of the public debt. In raising revenues, duties should be levied tipon foreign products so as to preserve the home market so far as possible to our own producers; to revive and increase manufactures: to relieve and encourage agriculture; to increase our domestic and foreign commerce; to aid and develop mining and building, and to render to labor in every field the useful occupation, the liberal wages and the adequate rewards to which skill and industry are justly entitled. The necessity of a tariff law which shall provide ample revenue need not be further urged. The imperative demand of the hour is the prompt enactment of such a measure, and to this object I earnestly recommend that congress shall make every endeavor.'
"This recommendation was promptly complied with. Congress met on March 15, and on that day a tariff bill was introduced in the house; on March 19 it was reported from the committee on ways and means; the debate began on March 22, and on March 31 the bill passed the republican house and was sent to the senate, which, after making some amendments, passed the measure on July 7.
“The bill was then sent to the conference committee and became a law on July 24, 143 days from the date of President McKinley's inauguration. This was less time than was occupied in the enactment of any tariff legislation since the days of Washington, whose first tariff measure consumed about two months, being, of course, very brief. Adams, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, J. Q. Adams, Jackson, William H. Harrison, Polk, Pierce, Buchanan, Lincoln, Grant, Arthur, Benjamin Harrison and Grover Cleveland all signed tariff bills, but none of them became laws in so short a time as did the Dingley law. Cleveland's second term, with his own party in control of both branches of congress, did not witness the completion of its tariff measure until nearly eighteen months after his inauguration.
"Regarding the war with Spain and its results, the facts are so well known as to need little discussion in detail. No war of such results was ever waged with so little loss of life. In the campaign which resulted in the rescue of Cuba from her oppressors and in the addition of Porto Rico to the territory of the United States, fewer lives were lost upon the battlefield than were lost in the United States during the peaceful celebration of the Fourth of July, 1899.
"In like manner the financial record of the administration may be best described by a quotation from the president's special message to congress on July 24, 1897 :
“Nothing was settled more clearly at the late national election than the determination upon the part of the people to keep their currency stable in value and equal to that of the most advanced nations of the world.
“'The soundness of our currency is nowhere questioned. No loss can occur to its holders. It is the system which should be simplified and strengthened, keeping our money just as good as it is now with less expense to the government and the people.
“'The sentiment of the country is strongly in favor of early action by congress in this direction, to revise our currency laws and remove them from partisan contention. A notable assembly of business men with delegates from twenty-nine states and territories was held at Indianapolis in January of this year. The financial situation commanded their earnest attention and, after a two-day session, the convention recommend to congress the appointment of a monetary commission.