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will not tell anybody about it. Before the battle I went into my room at the White House, I knelt on my knees, and I prayed to God as I had never prayed to Him before, and I told Him if He would stand by us at Gettysburg I would stand by Him; and He did, and I shall. And when I arose from my knees I imagined I saw a spirit that told me I need not trouble about Gettysburg.'

"May this institution meet the fullest expectations of its founders and projectors, and prove a mighty force in the well-being of the community! Interested as 1 am in every department of work in our state, I can not avoid especial and peculiar interest in anything which benefits the Mahoning Valley, the place where I was born, and where I spent my younger manhood, and around which cling tender and affectionate memories that can never be effaced. I am glad to share this day with you, to participate in these exercises which open the doors of this building to the young men of this valley, consecrated to honorable uses, and for their lasting good. I wish you prosperity in your workshops, love in your homes, and bid you Godspeed in this laudable work." —Dedication of Y. M. C. A. Building, Youngstown, O., Sept. 6, 1892.

PROSPERITY AND POLITICS.

"It is loudly proclaimed through the democratic press that prosperity has come. I sincerely hope that it has. Whatever prosperity we have has been a long time coming, and after nearly three years of business depression, a ruinous panic and a painful and widespread suffering among the people. I pray that we may be at the dawn of better times and of enduring prosperity. I have believed it would come, in some measure, with every successive republican victory. I have urged for two years past that the election of a republican congress would strip the democratic party of power to further cripple the enterprises of the country, and would be the beginning of a return of confidence, and that general and permanent prosperity could only come when the democratic party was voted out of power in every branch of the national government, and the republican party voted in, pledged to repeal their destructive and un-American legislation, which has so seriously impaired the prosperity of the people and the revenues and credit of the government.

"It is a most significant fact, however, that the activity in business we have now is chiefly confined to those branches of industry which the democratic party was forced to leave with some protection, notably, iron and steel. There is no substantial improvement in those branches of domestic industry where the lower duties or no duties on the democratic tariff have sharpened and increased foreign competition. These industries are still lifeless, and if not lifeless, are unsatisfactory and unprofitable, both to capital and labor.

"There is a studied effort in certain quarters to show that the apparent prosperity throughout the country is the result of democratic tariff legislation. I do not think that those who assert this, honestly and sincerely ljelieve it. It is worth remembering, and can never be forgotten, that there was no revival of business, no return of confidence or gleam of hope in business circles, until the elections of 1894. which, by unprecedented majorities, gave the popular branch of congress to the republican party, and took away from the democratic party the power to do further harm to the industries of the country and the occupations of the people. This was the aim, meaning and purpose of that vote. With the near and certain return of the republican party to full possession of power in the United States, comes naturally and logically increased faith in the country and assurance to business men that, for years to come, they will have rest and relief from democratic incompetency in the management of the industrial and financial affairs of the government. Whatever prosperity we are having (and just how much nobody seems to know), and with all hoping for the best, and hoping that it may stay and increase. and yet all breathless with suspense, is in spite of democratic legislation, and not because of it.

"The republican party never conceals its purposes. They are an open book to be read by every man. The whole world knows them; it has embodied them in law, and executed them in administration almost uninterruptedly since the 4th of March, 1861. It has bravely met every emergency in all those trying years, and has been adequate to every public obligation and public duty. It is dedicated to the people; it stands for the United States; it believes that this government should be run by ourselves and for ourselves; its simple code is home and country; its central idea is the well-being of the people and all the people; it has no aim which does not take into account the honor of the government and the material and intellectual well-being and happiness of the people. We can do no better than to stick to the old party—indeed, we can not do so well as to stick to the old party which guided the republic for a third of a century in safety and honor; which gave the country adequate revenue, and, while doing that, gave capital profitable investment and labor comfortable wages and steady employment; which guarded every American interest at home and abroad with zealous care; which never lowered the flag of our country, but whose business has ever been to exalt it, and whose principles, the application of which has made us a nation of happy homes, of independent and prosperous free-men."—Springfield, Ohio, Sept. 10, 1895.

GEMS OF PATRIOTIC EXPRESSION.

"Every anniversary, national or local, properly observed, is a positive good. It emphasizes the ties of home and country. It appeals to our better aspirations and incites us to higher and nobler aims."—Youngstown, Ohio, Sept. 14, 1887.

"The admonition of Lincoln—to 'care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan'—will never be forgotten or neglected so long as the republican party holds the reins of power. Full justice will always be done to the soldiers and sailors of the Union." —At Orrvillc, Ohio, Aug. 26, 1890.

"There is not a volunteer soldier before me, there is not a volunteer of the republic anywhere, who would exchange his honorable record in behalf of freedom and mankind, in behalf of the freest and best government on the face of the earth, for any money consideration. His patriotism is above price. It can not be bought. It is not merchandise for barter. It is not in the market. I thank God there are some things that money cannot buy, and patriotism is one of them."—Canton, Ohio, May 30, 1901.

CHAPTER XXI.

William McKinley's Masterpieces of Eloquence.
Continued.

MEMORIAL DAY ADDRESS.

"This day has been given to the dead, but its lessons are intended for the living. It has been the occasion for a generous manifestation on the part of the people of their gratitude to the men who saved the country in war. But its true intent will have been lost if it has failed to inspire in all our hearts a deeper sentiment of patriotism and a stronger attachment to those great ideas for which these men gave their lives. It is an impressive fact to contemplate that today millions of our fellow citizens from every part of the country have abandoned all thoughts of business, and turned their footsteps to the places where sleep our heroic dead, that they may with loving hands and grateful hearts pay tender tribute to their virtues and their valor. This consecration day is a popular demonstration of affection for the patriotic dead and bears unmistakable evidence that patriotism in the United States has not declined or abated.

"There was nothing personally attractive about any of the features of enlistment in the War of the Rebellion. It was business of the most serious sort. Every soldier took a dreadful chance. His offering was nothing short of his own life-blood if required. These, however, seemed insignificant in that overmastering love of country, in that fervent patriotism which filled the souls of the boys, in that high and noble resolve which they all possessed, that they were to save to themselves, to their families and their fellow countrymen, the freest and purest government, and to mankind the largest liberty and the highest and best civilization in the world. With that spirit more than two million men went forth to accept any sacrifice which cruel war might exact. The extent of that sacrifice exceeded human expectation, but it was offered, freely offered, for the country. Can we ever cease to be debtors to these men? Is there anything they are not worthy to receive at our hands? Is there any emolument too great for them? Is there any benefaction too bountiful? Is there any obligation too lasting? Is there any honor too distinguished which a loving people can bestow that they ought not to receive? What the nation is or may become we owe to them. If there is one of these fighting patriots sick at heart and discouraged, the cheerful and the strong, who are the beneficiaries of his valor, should comfort and console him. If there is one who is sick or suffering from wounds, the best skill and the most tender nursing should wait upon and attend him.

"It is interesting to note the size of our armies in the several wars in which the United States has participated. The number of Colonial troops in the Revolution was 294,791. In the War of 1812 the total number of Americans was 576,622. In the Mexican War the troops engaged for the United States numbered 112,230. The number of Union troops engaged in the Rebellion was 2,859.000, or three times the combined force of the American army in all former wars. The magnitude of the struggle is also strikingly illustrated by a comparison of casualties. The casualties in the War of 1812 were 1,877 killed in battle, 3,739 wounded. In the Mexican War, 1,049 vvere killed, 904 died of wounds, and 3,420 were wounded. In the War of the Rebellion, 61,362 were killed outright, 34,627 died of wounds, and 183,287 died of disease. In other words, our casualties in the Rebellion in killed and those who died of wounds and disease were only 15,000 less in number than the entire army of the United Colonies in the war with Great Britain, and two and one-half times the entire force engaged on the part of the United States in the war with Mexico. But it gives as a truer idea of the dreadful sacrifices of the country to compare our casualties with the casualties of European wars. At the battle of Waterloo there were 80,000 French, with 252 guns, and of the Allies, 72,000 troops and 186 guns. The loss of the French was 26,000, estimated, and of the Allies, 23,185. At our battle of Gettysburg, the Union force engaged was 82,000 and 300 guns. The Confederates had 70,000 troops and 250 guns. The loss was 25,203 to the Union forces, and 27,525 to the Confederate forces. Gravelotte was the bloodiest battle of the Franco-Prussian War, and the German loss was in killed, 4,449. and wounded, 15,189, out of 146.000 troops engaged. Meade's loss at Gettysburg was greater in numbers, while he had only one-half as many men engaged.

"The pension list of the government tells well the story of the suffering of our great army. On June 30, 1893, pensions were paid to 725.742 invalid soldiers, and to 185,477 widows. In the navy pensions were paid to 16,901 invalid sailors and to 6,697 widows, making a grand total of 934.817 pensioners. Our pension roll on June 30/1893. contained nearly as many pensioners as the entire muster rolls of the United States in the War of the Revolution, in the War of 1812, and the Mexican War combined. Within 50,000 as many names are now borne on our pension rolls as were contained on the enlistment rolls of all our armies in every war from the Revolution to the Civil War.

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