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"Faithful and fearless as a volunteer soldier, intrepid and invincible as commander in chief of the armies of the Union, calm and confident as president of a reunited and strengthened nation which his genius had been instrumental in achieving, he has our homage and that of the world; but, brilliant as was his public character, we love him all the more for his home life and homely virtues. His individuality, his bearing and speech, his simple ways, had a flavor of rare and unique distinction, and his Americanism was so true and uncompromising that his name will stand for all time as the embodiment of liberty, loyalty and national unity.

Victorious in the work which under Divine Providence he was called upon to do, clothed with almost limitless power, he was yet one of the people—patient, patriotic and just. Success did not disturb the even balance of his mind, while fame was powerless to swerve him from the path of duty. Great as he was in war, he loved peace and told the world that honorable arbitration of differences was the best hope of civilization.

"With Washington and Lincoln, Grant has an exalted place in history and the affections of the people. Today his memory is held in equal esteem by those whom he led to victory and by those who accepted his generous terms of peace. The veteran leaders of the blue and the gray here meet not only to honor the name of the departed Grant, but to testify to the living reality of a fraternal national spirit which has triumphed over the differences of the past and transcended the limitations of sectional lines. Its completion, which we pray God to speed, will be the nation's greatest glory.


"It is right, then, that Gen. Grant should have a memorial commensurate with his greatness, and that his last resting place should be the city of his choice, to which he was so attached in life and of whose ties he was not forgetful even in death. Fitting, too, is it that the great soldier should sleep beside the native river on whose banks he first learned the art of war and of which he became master and leader without a rival.

"But let us not forget the glorious distinction with which the metropolis among the fair sisterhood of American cities has honored his life and memory. With all that riches and sculpture can do to render the edifice worthy of the man, upon a site unsurpassed for magnificence, has this monument been reared by New York as a perpetual record of his illustrious deeds in the certainty that as time passes around it will assemble with gratitude and reverence and veneration men of all climes, races and nationalities.

"New York holds in its keeping the precious dust of the silent soldier; but his achievements—which he and his brave comrades wrought for mankind—are in the keeping of seventy millions of American citizens who will guard the sacred heritage forever and forevermore."


"Mr. Speaker:—A great citizen who filled high public stations for more than a quarter of a century has passed away, and the House of Representatives turns aside from its usual public duties that it may place in its permanent and official record a tribute to his memory, and manifest in some degree its appreciation of his lofty character and illustrious services. General Logan was a conspicuous figure in war, and scarcely less conspicuous in peace. Whether on the field of arms or in the forum where ideas clash, General Logan was ever at the front.

"Mr. Speaker, he was a leader of men, having convictions, with the courage to utter and enforce them in any place and to defend them against any adversary. He was never long in the rear among the followers. Starting there, his resolute and resistless spirit soon impressed itself upon his fellows, and he was quickly advanced to his true and rightful rank of leadership. Without the aid of fortune, without the aid of influential friends, he won his successive stations of honor by the force of his own integrity and industry, his own high character and indomitable will. And it may be said of him that he justly represents one of the best types of American manhood, and illustrates in his life the outcome and the possibilities of the American youth under the generous influences of our free institutions.

"Participating in two wars, the records of both attest his courage and devotion, his valor, and his sacrifices for the country which he loved so well, and to which he more than once dedicated everything he possessed, even life itself. Reared a democrat, he turned away from many of the old party leaders when the trying crisis came which was to determine whether the Union was to be saved or to be severed. He joined his old friend and party leader, Stephen A. Douglas, with all the ardor of lu's strong nature, and the safety and preservation of the Union became the overshadowing and absorbing purpose of his life. His creqd was his country. Patriotism was the sole plank in his platform. Everything must yield to this sentiment; every other consideration was subordinate to it; and so he threw the whole force of his great character at the very outset into the struggle for national life. He resigned his seat in congress to raise a regiment, and it is a noteworthy fact that in the congressional district which he represented more soldiers were sent to the front according to its population than in any other congressional district in the United States. It is a further significant fact, that, in 1860, when he ran for congress as a democratic candidate, in what was known as the old Ninth Congressional District, he received a majority of over 13,000; and six years afterward, when at the conclusion of the war he ran as a candidate of the republican party in the state of Illinois as representative to congress at large, the same old Ninth District, that had given him a democratic majority of 13,000 in 1860, gave him a republican majority of over 3,000 in 1866. Whatever else these facts may teach, Mr. Speaker, they clearly show one thing—that John A. Logan's old constituency approved of his course, was proud of his illustrious services, and followed the flag which he bore, wdiich was the Flag of the Stars.

"His service in this house and in the senate, almost uninterruptedly, since 1867, was marked by great industry, by rugged honesty, by devotion to the interests of the country, and to the whole country, to the rights of the citizen, and especially by a devotion to the interests of his late comrades-in-arms. He was a strong and forcible debater. He was a most thorough master of the subjects he discussed, and an intense believer in the policy and principles he advocated. In popular discussion upon the hustings he had no superiors, and but few equals. He seized the hearts and the consciences of men, and moved great multitudes with that fury of enthusiasm with which he moved his soldiers in the field.

"Air. Speaker, it is high tribute to any man, it is high tribute to John A. Logan, to say that, in the House of Representatives, where sat Thaddeus Stevens and Robert C. Schenck, James G. Blaine and James A. Garfield, Henry Winter Davis and William D. Kelley, he stood equal in favor and in power in party control. And it is equally high tribute to him to say that in the senate of the United States, where sat Charles Sumner and Oliver P. Morton, Hanibal Hamlin and Zachariah Chandler, John Sherman and George F. Edmunds, Roscoe Conkling and Justin S. Morrill, he fairly divided with them the power and responsibility of republican leadership. No higher eulogy can be given to any man, no more honorable distinction could be coveted. He lived during a period of very great activities and forces, and he impressed himself upon his age and time. To me the dominant and controlling force in his life was his intense patriotism.

"It stamped all his acts and utterances, and was the chief inspiration of the great work he wrought. His book, recently published, is a masterly appeal to the patriotism of the people. His death, so sudden and unlooked for, was a shock to his countrymen, and caused universal sorrow among all classes in every part of the Union. No class so deeply mourned his taking away as the great volunteer army and their surviving families and friends. They were closely related to him. They regarded him as their never-failing friend. He had been first commander-in-chief of the Grand Army of the Republic, and to him this mighty soldier organization, numbering more than four hundred thousand, was indebted for much of its efficiency in the field of charity. He was the idol of the army in which he served—the ideal citizen volunteer of the Republic, the pride of all the armies, and affectionately beloved by all who loved the Union.

"Honored and respected by his commanders, held in affectionate regard by the rank and file, who found in him a heroic leader and devoted friend, he advocated the most generous bounties and pensions, and much of this character of legislation was constructed by his hand. So in sympathy was he with the brave men who risked all for country, that he demanded for them the most generous treatment. I heard him declare last summer, to an audience of ten thousand people, gathered from all sections of the country, at the annual encampment of the Grand Army of the Republic at San Francisco, that he believed that the government should grant from its overflowing treasury and boundless resources a pension to every Union soldier who was incapable of taking care of himself, asserting with all the fervor of his patriotic soul that the government was unworthy of itself and of the blood and treasure it cost if it would suffer any of its defenders to become inmates of the poorhouses of the land, or be the objects of private charity.

"Mr. Speaker, the old soldiers will miss him. The old oak around which their hearts were entwined, to which their hopes clung, has fallen. The old veterans have lost their steady friend. The congress of the United States has lost one of its ablest counselors, the republican party one of its confessed leaders, the country one of its noble defenders."— House of Representatives, February 10, 1887.


William McKinley's Masterpieces of Eloquence.



"Mr. President and my Fellow Citizens:—Since 1870 this spot has witnessed the celebration of the anniversary of our national independence. They have been memorable occasions. It gives me peculiar pleasure to meet the people of New England upon this day, and upon this ground, and especially is it pleasing to me to respond for the first time that I have been able to do so to the many generous invitations that I have received from Mr. Bowen, to whom you and all of us are indebted for this patriotic assemblage. I have liked Henry C. Bowen for a good many things. I have admired him since more than forty years ago, when, in the midst of great political agitation as a merchant of the city of New York, he said: 'Our goods are for sale, but not our principles.' It was this spirit that guided the revolutionary fathers, and that has won for freedom every single victory since.

"Now, what is the meaning of this day and celebration? Simply that what we have achieved must be perpetrated in its strength and purity, not giving up one jot or tittle of the victories won. More we do not ask, less we will not have. There never was a wrong for which there was not a remedy. There never was a crime against the constitution that there was not a way somewhere and somehow found to prevent or punish; there never was such an abuse that did not suggest a reform that pointed to justice and righteousness. I am not so much troubled how the thing is to be done as I am troubled that the living shall do what is right, as the living see the right. The future will take care of itself if we will do right. As Gladstone said in his peroration presenting the remedial legislation of Ireland:

"'Walking in the path of justice we can not err; guided by that light we are safe. Every step we take upon our road brings us nearer to the goal, and every obstacle, though it seem for the moment insurmountable, can only for a little while retard, never defeat, the fatal triumph.'

"The Fourth of July is memorable among other things because

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