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the greatest fury in his own state. He was assailed for his convictions, and was threatened with defeat. He was the special target of the hate and prejudice of those who stood against the honest fulfillment of national obligations. In a letter to a friend on New Year's eve, 1867'68, he wrote:

"'I have just returned from a tedious trip to Ashtabula, where I made a two hours' speech on finance, and when I came home, came through a storm of paper-money denunciation in Cleveland, only to find on my arrival here a sixteen-page letter, full of alarm and prophecy of my political ruin for my opinions on the currency.'

"To the same friend he wrote in 1878:

"'On the whole it is probable I will stand again for the house. I am not sure, however, but the Nineteenth district will go back upon me upon the silver question. If they do, I shall count it an honorable discharge.'

"These and more of the same tenor, which I might produce from his correspondence, show the extreme peril attending his position upon the currency and silver questions, but he never flinched, he never wavered; he faced all the dangers, assumed all the risks, voting and speaking for what he believed would secure the highest good. He stood at the forefront, with the waves of an adverse popular sentiment beating against him, threatening his political ruin, fearlessly contending for sound principles of finance against public clamor and a time-serving policy. To me his greatest effort was made on this floor in the Fifty-fifth congress, from his old seat yonder near the center aisle. He was at his best. He rose to the highest requirements of the subject and the occasion. His mind and soul were absorbed with his topic. He felt the full responsibility of his position and the necessity of averting a policy (the abandonment of specie resumption) which he believed would be disastrous to the highest interests of the country. Unfriendly criticism seemed only to give him breadth of contemplation and boldness and force of utterance.

"In General Garfield, as in Lincoln and Grant, we find the best representation of the possibilities of American life. Roy and man, he typifies American youth and manhood, and illustrates the beneficence and glory of our free institutions. His early struggles for an education, his selfsupport, his 'lack of means,' his youthful yearnings, find a prototype in every city, village, and hamlet of the land.

"His broad and benevolent nature made him the friend of all mankind. He loved the young men of the country, and drew them to him by the thoughtful concern with which he regarded them. He was generous in his helpfulness to all. and to his encouragement and words of cheer many are indebted for much of their success in life. In personal character he was clean and without reproach. As a citizen, he loved his country and her institutions, and was proud of her progress and prosperity. As a scholar and a man of letters, he took high rank. As an orator, he was exceptionally strong and gifted. As a soldier, he stood abreast with the bravest and best of the citizen soldiery of the Republic. As a legislator, his most enduring testimonial will be found in the records of congress and the statutes of his country. As president, he displayed moderation and wisdom, with executive ability, which gave the highest assurance of a most successful and illustrious administration.

"Mr. Speaker, another place of great honor we fill to-day. Nobly and worthily is it filled. Garfield, whose eloquent words I have just pronounced, has joined Winthrop and Adams, and the other illustrious ones, as one of 'the elect of the states,' peopling yonder venerable and beautiful hall. He receives his high credentials from the hands of the state which has withheld from him none of her honors, and history will ratify the choice. We add another to the immortal membership. Another enters 'the sacred circle.' In silent eloquence from the 'American Pantheon' another speaks, whose life-work, with its treasures of wisdom, its wealth of achievement, and its priceless memories, will remain to us and our descendants a precious legacy forever and forever."—Accepting the statue of Garfield, presented by the State of Ohio, House of Representatives, January 19, 1886.

GARFIELD IN THE CIVIL WAR.

When the Civil War broke out Garfield offered his services to his country and they were at once accepted. He began his new life as lieutenant-colonel, but of the art and science of war he knew little.

It was probably the only office he ever accepted without suitable qualifications. But he set himself to learn. With saw and plane he fashioned whole armies out of maple blocks, and with these woodenheaded, but thoroughly manageable, soldiers he mastered the whole range of infantry tactics.

Garfield was now thirty years of age. His regiment; the Fortysecond Ohio, was ready for the field. Owing to Garfield's constant (training, it had the reputation of being the best drilled regiment in Ohio, and in recognition of his faithful services he was made a full colonel.

Orders came to report to Buell at Louisville. The regiment was to go for its baptism of fire. As Garfield took leave of his mother she quietly and patriotically said:

"Go. my son: your life belongs to your country."

The confederate general, Humphrey Marshall, was moving in on eastern Kentucky. Buell laid the situation before Garfield and said:

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"Now, if you were in command pf this sub-district, what would you do? Report your answer here at nine o'clock to-morrow morning."

Garfield studied the situation. At nine o'clock he laid his plan before Buell, whose skilled eye mastered it in a moment. He was satisfied.

"All right," he said, "proceed with the least possible delay, to the mouth of the Sandy, and move with your force in that vicinity up that river. Drive the enemy back or cut him off. I must commit all matters of detail, Colonel, to your discretion."

Garfield had fifteen hundred men. Marshall had forty-six hundred, and they were entrenched.

Three roads led out from Garfield's headquarters to where the enemy lay. Strategy must be made to make up for lack of men.

Bradley Brown, a man Garfield had known on the Ohio canal, had been brought in by the pickets. He asked to see the colonel.

Garfield received him, and said:

"What, is this Brown; are you a rebel?"

"Yes," said the visitor, "I belong to Marshall's force, and I've come straight from him to spy on your army."

"Well, you have a queer way of going about it," said Garfield.

"Well, you see, when I heard that you was in command down here, I determined, for old times' sake, to help ye."

"I advise you to go back to Marshall," said Garfield, "and tell him all about my strength and intended movements."

"But how kin I? I don't know a thing about it."

"Guess," said Garfield.

"You'd orter have ten thousand men to do anything against Marshall, I reckon."

"That will do for a guess," said Garfield. "Now, tell Marshall I shall attack in about ten days."

Brown did as Garfield suggested, and Marshall awaited an attack in force. Garfield sent a detachment along each of the three roads, strong enough to drive in Marshall's outposts.

One after another these Confederate pickets came in to camp and reported that the Yankees were coming in large numbers. Marshall was puzzled. He did not know where to look for the attack, and, in his dilemma, withdrew with his whole force. Garfield quietly took possession.

The whole thing was a huge practical joke; but one which the enemy would not appreciate.

Garfield had showed himself a strategist of the first order. He had

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