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adjoining room with her son and threw herself upon the lifeless body with a loud cry. In the room when the President died were Surgeon Crane, Surgeon General Barnes. Charles Sumner, Major Hay. Secretary Wells, Secretary Stanton and other prominent men of the times. They turned away as the sobs of Mrs. Lincoln rose above her dead.
DEATH OF GARFIELD.
President Garfield was shot at 9:30 in the morning, July 2. 1881, by Charles J. Guiteau. The shooting took place in the Baltimore and Ohio station at Washington, where the President, with Mr. Blaine, was awaiting a train. The bullet entered the body from the rear, struck the spine, and produced an injury ordinarily fatal. Much hope was held out, though, for the President's recovery by the surgeons in attendance.
He was promptly removed to the White House, where he lay in great agony until September 6, when, a special car having been constructed for him, he was conveyed to Elberon, Long Branch, that the sea breezes might benefit him. There he died, September 19, 1881. Garfield was conscious during the greater part of his illness. He was confident for many weeks that he would recover. He had indomitable will and extraordinary courage.
READY FOR THE END.
His mother and wife were with him, and he clung to them through all his terrible ordeal. After his arrival at Elberon there was a slight rally, but very slight. Terrible sinking spells came, and on the 19th of September, calm, prepared, conscious, he lifed his eyes upward, saw the radiance of a new day, and so parted with life. Mrs. Garfield, his son and several members of his cabinet were by his bedside when he died. The end had been expected for some little time—it was only a question of when.
Garfield's partings with those he loved form the most touching parts of his history. He had given the best of himself to his wife and he had worshiped his mother. It was over her he bent, after he had taken the oath of office as President, and kissed her.
"I have faith," he said, when he realized the shadows were closing in upon him.
"It is leaving you that hurts most," he whispered to the wife by his side.
Once he .put out his wasted hand and said:
"If it is God's will, so be it."
And God's will prevailed.
Birth, Political History and War Experience.
The youngest of our presidents, Theodore Roosevelt, entered upon the duties of his high office well equipped for its arduous duties and high responsibilities. His knowledge of books and experience with men and affairs had been wide and varied, probably greater than that of many of his predecessors. His brilliant career had made him the cynosure of all eyes, and this had been emphasized by his prominent mention as a candidate for the presidency, previous to the meeting of the republican convention at Philadelphia in 1900.
Theodore Roosevelt was the fifth vice president of the nation to succeed the president with whom he was chosen to office. John Tyler was the first, succeeding William Henry Harrison. Next came Millard Fillmore, who succeeded Zachary Taylor. Andrew Johnson succeeded Abraham Lincoln and Chester A. Arthur took the place of James A. Garfield. Three of the five vice presidents owe their advancement to the assassin's bullet.
Mr. Roosevelt is better known to the nation than was Tyler, Fillmore, Johnson or Arthur when the latter became president. Roosevelt has come with credit from the various public tests he has passed through —as legislator, author, civil service commissioner, police commissioner, assistant secretary of the navy, soldier and vice president.
Chronologically considered, the epochs in Mr. Roosevelt's life cover but few years, yet show an advancement that has never before been equaled, even by the most ambitious and successful of Americans. The dates follow closely and punctuate his almost meteoric course:
Born in New York City, October 27, 1858.
New York police commissioner 1894.
Assistant secretary of navy 1897-98.
Colonel Spanish-American war 1898.
Governor New York 1899-1900.
Vice President United States March 4, 1901.
President United States September 14, 1901.
Mr. Roosevelt is of Dutch extraction on his father's side, his paternal ancestors having been representative citizens of the Empire state for eight generations. His mother was a Miss Martha Bullock of Georgia, a family distinguished in the South as far back as revolutionary times, when a governor of that name occupied the executive mansion.
Theodore Roosevelt appeared to have but a brief life before him. He was weakly as a child; as a boy he could not join in the rougher sports of his associates. At 20 he was almost an invalid. In early manhood he realized that something would have to be done to improve his physical condition, and at Harvard he became identified with the less boisterous sports of his classmates. He became expert at lightweight boxing and was soon recognized as the most skillful among the young men of his age. He graduated well up in his class in 1880, and still feeling the need of physical strengthening, went to Europe, where he climbed the Jungfrau and the Matterhorn and became a member of the Alpine Club by reason of these achievements.
Returning to New York, he studied law and quietly entered politics. "I have always believed," he said, "that every man should join a political organization and should attend the primaries; that he should not be content to be merely governed, but should do his part of that work. So after leaving college I went to the local political headquarters, attended all the meetings and took my part in whatever came up. There, arose a revolt against the member of assembly from that district, and I was nominated to succeed him and was elected."
This was in 1881, and he was twide re-elected. There in that Albany morass of legislative corruption young Roosevelt began his political career. Modestly but unceasingly he made fierce war on criminal politics. By many he was considered but an assertive, well-meaning young man with correct ideas (absurd in practical politics)—a sort of visiting delegate from the Y. M. C. A. trying to run the Albany legislature, with its Thurlow Weed traditions, on a Sunday school basis.
But Roosevelt was soon discovered to be a knockdown fighter. One by one he smashed the idols of the famous lobby. One by one he attacked the corrupt departments of the New York city government, and spread astonishment among his opponents.
Upward he mounted, became republican candidate for speaker in his second assembly year, and in the year following was made chairman of the committee on cities. Then began his fight for reform, preparing the way for the upheaval that came with the Lexow-Parkhurst-Goff investigation, following the notable investigation of his own committee in the early '80s.
The democrats soon realized that young Roosevelt was as able as he was honest, a tireless worker and as merciless as a gatling gun. He was found to be dangerous, a man to be let alone unless the ambulance was near. He gave and took hard knocks, and each day became more formidable with bits of dynamite in his arguments.
About this time the heaviest blow of a man's career fell upon him. His dear mother and wife died in one week. That touch of sorrow made him new and lifelong friends among men of both parties.
In 1884, the never to be forgotten year of the Blaine campaign, Mr. Roosevelt was recognized as a power in the state and made a delegate to the republican national convention to lead the Edmunds forces, and, though opposed to Mr. Blaine,'refused to fohow the bolters who went over to Cleveland, for he believed he could do nothing except through the regular party organization.
"Whatever good I have accomplished," he said, "has been through the republican party." So he entered the campaign and made speeches, and then went to his Dakota ranch and spent two years writing and shooting. It was in that Western home that he developed his taste for cowboy life, became a crack shot and bronco rider and expert with the lariat. He killed big game and wrote his books on "Ranch Life" and "The Winning of the West."
We next find him a candidate for mayor of New York, in the famous Henry George campaign, when Abram S. Hewitt won on the Tammany ticket and Henry George was counted out, he declared. Under the circumstances Roosevelt made a strong fight, and President Harrison appointed him to the civil service commission, where he made a brilliant record, increasing the number of positions of the civil service list from 1,400 to 40.000.
He resigned this position to become police commissioner in New York city under the reform administration of Mayor Strong. When a literary friend expressed surprise that a man of his scholarly attainments should enter on a police crusade, he said:
"I thought the storm center was in New York, and so I came here. It is a great piece of practical work. I like to take hold of work that lias been done by a Tammany leader, and do it as well, only by approaching it from the opposite direction. The thing that attracted me to it was that it was to be done in the hurly-burly, for I don't like cloister life."
The new commissioner stirred up the town. The regulation reformers did not know whether to applaud or curse. Many declared that his rigid enforcement of the excise law enabled Tammany to return to power by capturing the votes of liquor men who had temporarily joined the reformers. In reply Roosevelt said he had sworn to enforce all the laws and he would not compromise his conscience. Besides, he held that the best way to get a bad law repealed was to rigidly enforce it.
Whiffe a police commissioner in New York city, Mr. Roosevelt did not depend on the reports of his subordinates to learn whether his orders were being obeyed and that the reforms he recommended were being carried out, but pursued the simple, effective method of personally visiting the patrolmen of the force on their beats at night. On one of these trips he found two policemen drinking in a saloon. "Is this the way you do your duty?" he asked, quietly. Neither of the officers had seen the commissioner before and they took him for some prying stranger. "What's that to you?" replied one of the men. "Get out of here or we will throw you out." Mr. Roosevelt did not get out. Nor did he lose his temper. He replied in the same quiet voice: "No, I will not go out. I am Police Commissioner Roosevelt, and I am looking for men like you who do not obey my orders. Come to my office to-morrow.i' The men apologized, but it was of no use. They called at the commissioner's office the next day and were reduced.
On another of these incognito tours he saw one policeman capture a dangerous burglar and another risk his life to save a family from a burning building. The commissioner did what he could to help in both cases, and when the work was over he thanked the men personally for their bravery and invited them to call at his office. When they called they were again praised and thanked and notified that they had been promoted.
He said to a newspaper writer once, at the close of a meeting, that he believed a majority of policemen were good men. He believed in giving every applicant a chance to show what he could do and treating him honestly and fairly, regardless of his nationality, politics, religion or "pull."
"We have every country represented on the police force," he said. "Hebrews working harmoniously with Irishmen; Germans making good records with Spaniards—in fact, every nationality is represented almost but the Chinese, and I find the men as a class willing to give faithful service. When men find the official in charge of them consistent, always keeping his word to the letter, they will soon begin following the example set before them. Treat a man squarely and you will get square treatment in return. That is human nature and sound doctrine, whether in the police or in any other department."